Russia -- History -- Revolution, 1905-1907; Russia -- Politics and government -- 1894-1917; Russia -- Social conditions -- 1801-1917
Durnovo, be expected to adopt any other methods than
those which are ingrained in him? It is as if the Liberals persuaded Mr.
Chamberlain to speak at a public meeting and then expressed surprise at
finding that he was in favour of Tariff Reform. When some of the
revolutionaries were summarily executed after the recent troubles in
Moscow, a sentence of Tacitus came back to me which is peculiarly
applicable to the old Russian bureaucratic methods: “Interfectis Varrone
consule designate et Petronio Turpiliano consulari ... inauditi atque
indefensi tamquam innocentes perierunt” (Varro and Turpilianus were
executed without trial and defence, so that they might just as well have
been innocent).
The whole system of arresting doctors and professors, prohibiting
newspapers and plays, censoring books and songs, is now, whatever may
have been its effect in the past, childishly futile. Moreover, even this
is blunderingly done. The harmless newspapers are suppressed and more
violent ones appear. But the point is the futility of it all; as soon as
a serious newspaper is stopped it reappears on the next day under
another name. Each repressed satirical newspaper (and these journals are
often exceedingly scurrilous) finds a successor. It is not as if the
revolutionaries were the result of the newspapers; it is the newspapers
which are the reflection of the revolutionaries; and until you can
repress every revolutionary the spirit which finds its vent in these
organs will exist. To repress the Liberal spirit altogether it will be
necessary to suppress nearly all the thinking population of Russia. The
only hope is that all this is, after all, only temporary, and that the
meeting of the Duma will put an end to this riot of lawlessness and
inefficiency. One competent man like Count Witte is not enough to deal
with things which are happening all over the country in so large a place
as Russia, and he is bound to trust himself to minor authorities—and
these in many cases prove themselves unfit for their task. “Why are they
chosen?” it may be asked. The answer is: “Who else is there to choose
until the whole pack of cards is thoroughly reshuffled or rather
destroyed, and a new pack, men chosen by the Duma, is adopted?”
“But,” it is objected, “however much you reshuffle the cards, the pack
will be the same.” This is true; but one radical change would make all
the difference in the world, and that would be the introduction of the
system of responsibility. Whenever there has been in a Russian town a
governor who had declared his firm intention of holding his subordinates
responsible for their acts, and has put such a declaration into
practice, things have always gone well. There was for years a chief of
the police at Moscow, who was just such a man. The trouble is now, that
however good a subordinate official may be, there is no guarantee that
he may not be removed at any minute owing to the passing whim of those
who are above.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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