Essays in Liberalism: Being the Lectures and Papers Which Were Delivered at the; Liberal Summer School at Oxford, 1922Various
General
Essays in Liberalism: Being the Lectures and Papers Which Were Delivered at the; Liberal Summer School at Oxford, 1922
Various
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1910-1936; Liberalism -- Great Britain
Nor is there, in the nature of things, any possibility of continuous
advantage in trade to any country through the low valuation of its
currency. The Prime Minister confesses that Germany is _not_ obtaining
any export trade as the result of the fall. Then the whole argument has
been and is a false pretence. The plea that the German manufacturer is
advantaged because his wages bill does not rise as fast as the mark
falls in purchasing power is even in theory but a statement of one side
of a fluctuating case, seeing that when the mark rises in value his
wages bill will not fall as fast as the mark rises, and he is then, in
the terms of the case, at a competitive disadvantage.
But the worst absurdity of all in the tariffist reasoning on this topic
is the assumption that in no other respect than wage-rates is German
industry affected by the fall of the mark. The wiseacres who point
warningly to the exchanges as a reason for firm action on fabric gloves
never ask how a falling currency relates to the process of purchasing
raw materials from abroad. So plainly is the falling mark a bar to such
purchase that there is _prima facie_ no cause to doubt the German
official statement made in June, that foreign goods are actually
underbidding German goods in the German markets, and that the falling
exchange makes it harder and harder for Germany to compete abroad. We
are dealing with a four-square fallacy, the logical implication of which
is that a bankrupt country is the best advantaged for trade, that
Austria is even better placed for competition than Germany, and that
Russia is to-day the best placed of all.
TARIFFS AND WAGES
The argument from the exchanges, which is now admitted to be wholly
false in practice, really brings us back to the old tariffist argument
that tariffs are required to protect us against the imports of countries
whose general rate of wages is lower than ours. On the one hand, they
assured us that a tariff was the one means of securing good wages for
the workers in general. On the other, they declared that foreign goods
entered our country to the extent they did because foreign employers in
general sweated their employees. That is to say--seeing that nearly all
our competitors had tariffs--the tariffed countries pay the worst wages;
and we were to raise ours by having tariffs also. But even that pleasing
paralogism did not suffice for the appetite of tariffism in the way of
fallacy. The same propaganda which affirmed the lowness of the rate of
wages paid in tariffist countries affirmed also the _superiority_ of the
rate of wages paid in the United States, whence came much of our
imported goods which the tariffists wished to keep out. In this case,
the evidence for the statement lay in the high wage-rate figures for
three employments in particular--those of engine-drivers, compositors,
and builders' labourers: three industries incapable of protection by
tariffs.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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