History of the United Netherlands from the Death of William the Silent to the Twelve Year's Truce, 1605-07 — John Shaqi
History of the United Netherlands from the Death of William the Silent to the Twelve Year's Truce, 1605-07Motley, John Lothrop
History
History of the United Netherlands from the Death of William the Silent to the Twelve Year's Truce, 1605-07
Motley, John Lothrop
Netherlands -- History -- Eighty Years' War, 1568-1648
Meantime their superiors, especially endowed with wisdom by the
Omnipotent, would direct trade and commerce, conduct war and diplomacy,
make treaties, impose taxes, fill their own pockets, and govern the
universe. Was not this reasonable and according to the elemental laws?
If the beasts of the field had been suddenly gifted with speech, and had
constituted themselves into a free commonwealth for the management of
public affairs, they would hardly have caused more profound astonishment
at Brussels and Madrid than had been excited by the proceedings of the
rebellious Dutchmen.
Yet it surely might have been suggested, when the lament of the courtiers
over the abjectness of the People in adversity was so emphatic, that Dorp
and Van Loon, Berendrecht and Gieselles, with the men under their
command, who had disputed every inch of Little Troy for three years and
three months, and had covered those fatal sands with a hundred thousand
corpses, had not been giving of late such evidence of the People's
cowardice in reverses as theory required. The siege of Ostend had been
finished only three years before, and it is strange that its lessons
should so soon have been forgotten.
It was thought best, however, to dissemble. Diplomacy in those days--
certainly the diplomacy of Spain and Rome--meant simply dissimulation.
Moreover, that solid apothegm, 'haereticis non servanda fides,' the most
serviceable anchor ever forged for true believers, was always ready to be
thrown out, should storm or quicksand threaten, during the intricate
voyage to be now undertaken.
John Neyen soon returned to the Hague, having persuaded his masters
that it was best to affect compliance with the preliminary demand of
the States. During the discussions in regard to peace, it would not be
dangerous to treat with the rebel provinces as with free states, over
which the archdukes pretended to no authority, because--so it was
secretly argued--this was to be understood with a sense of similitude.
"We will negotiate with them as if they were free," said the greyfriar to
the archduke and his counsellors, "but not with the signification of true
and legitimate liberty. They have laid down in their formula that we are
to pretend to no authority over them. Very well. For the time being we
will pretend that we do not pretend to any such authority. To negotiate
with them as if they were free will not make them free. It is no
recognition by us that they are free. Their liberty could never be
acquired by their rebellion. This is so manifest that neither the king
nor the archdukes can lose any of their rights over the United Provinces,
even should they make this declaration."
Thus the hair-sputters at Brussels--spinning a web that should be stout
enough to entrap the noisy, blundering republicans at the Hague, yet so
delicate as to go through the finest dialectical needle. Time was to
show whether subtilty or bluntness was the best diplomatic material.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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