Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1837-1901; Liberalism -- Great Britain
The other root of national
danger was the principle of intervention. We took it on ourselves to set
other nations right. How could we judge for other nations? Force was no
remedy. Let every people be free to work out its own salvation. Things
were not so perfect with us that we need go about setting the houses of
other people in order. To complete personal freedom, there must be
national freedom. There must also be colonial freedom. The colonies
could no longer be governed in the interests of the mother country, nor
ought they to require standing garrisons maintained by the mother
country. They were distant lands, each, if we gave it freedom, with a
great future of its own, capable of protecting itself, and developing
with freedom into true nationhood. Personal freedom, colonial freedom,
international freedom, were parts of one whole. Non-intervention, peace,
restriction of armaments, retrenchment of expenditure, reduction of
taxation, were the connected series of practical consequences. The money
retrenched from wasteful military expenditure need not all be remitted
to the taxpayer. A fraction of it devoted to education--free, secular,
and universal--would do as much good as when spent on guns and ships it
did harm. For education was necessary to raise the standard of
intelligence, and provide the substantial equality of opportunity at the
start without which the mass of men could not make use of the freedom
given by the removal of legislative restrictions. There were here
elements of a more constructive view for which Cobden and his friends
have not always received sufficient credit.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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