Freed persons; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950
It may be objected that evidence has been given of a contrary spirit by
the State conventions which passed ordinances abolishing slavery in their
States, and making it obligatory upon the legislatures to enact laws for
the protection of the freedmen. While acknowledging the fact, I deem it
dangerous to be led by it into any delusions. As to the motives upon which
they acted when abolishing slavery, and their understanding of the
bearings of such an act, we may safely accept the standard they have set
up for themselves. When speaking of popular demonstrations in the south in
favor of submission to the government, I stated that the principal and
almost the only argument used was, that they found themselves in a
situation in which "they could do no better." It was the same thing with
regard to the abolition of slavery; wherever abolition was publicly
advocated, whether in popular meetings or in State conventions, it was on
the ground of necessity--not unfrequently with the significant addition
that, as soon as they had once more control of their own State affairs,
they could settle the labor question to suit themselves, whatever they
might have to submit to for the present. Not only did I find this to be
the common talk among the people, but the same sentiment was openly avowed
by public men in speech and print. Some declarations of that kind, made by
men of great prominence, have passed into the newspapers and are
undoubtedly known to you. I append to this report a specimen,
(accompanying document, No. 40,) not as something particularly remarkable,
but in order to represent the current sentiment as expressed in the
language of a candidate for a seat in the State convention of Mississippi.
It is a card addressed to the voters of Wilkinson county, Mississippi, by
General W.L. Brandon. The general complains of having been called "an
unconditional, immediate emancipationist--an abolitionist." He indignantly
repels the charge and avows himself a good pro-slavery man. "But,
fellow-citizens," says he, "what I may in common with you have to submit
to, is a very different thing. Slavery has been taken from us; the power
that has already practically abolished it threatens totally and forever to
abolish it. _But does it follow that I am in favor of this thing? By no
means_. My honest conviction is, we must accept the situation as it is,
_until we can get control once more of our own State affairs. We cannot do
otherwise and get our place again in the Union, and occupy a position,
exert an influence that will protect us against greater evils which
threaten us_. I must, as any other man who votes or holds an office, submit
_for the time_ to evils I cannot remedy."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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