Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of Philadelphia — John Shaqi
Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of PhiladelphiaAmerican Academy of Political and Social Science
History
Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of Philadelphia
American Academy of Political and Social Science
Arbitration, Industrial; Child labor; Child labor -- United States; Factory laws and legislation -- United States; Housing -- United States; Juvenile courts; Labor -- United States
The actual value of an investment in any business is based primarily
upon the security—the consideration of the rate of interest being
secondary to the safety of the investment. This is recognized by the
great exchanges where all manner of stocks and bonds are bought and
sold. These compel the frequent publication of the earnings and general
business of those corporations that desire to have listed any of their
issues of securities. No one can say with truth that public knowledge of
the affairs of any such corporation has imperiled the proper operation
and legitimate success of the enterprise. On the contrary, experience
has proven the wisdom of such a course from every standpoint—the public
is better protected in its investments of capital and such corporations
are given a standing in the financial world not accorded to those who
keep their affairs secret and guarded from the public view. We are
compelled to infer that the negative action on the part of these latter
concerns is prompted by one of two reasons: either they are striving to
secure a higher credit rating than that to which their actual condition
would entitle them, or, more probably, that they fear their percentage
of net profits is larger than public sentiment would regard with favor.
It would seem in either case that the interested public is morally
entitled to frequent and intelligible information regarding all
corporations which owe their very existence to the public consent.
What is true of corporations is true of individual partnerships as well.
To let the interested public have knowledge of the true state of affairs
would doubtless be very distasteful to all classes of masters. And yet
it is not difficult to imagine that conditions still less agreeable may
confront the masters if the demands for justice to wage-earners are
ignored. Would not the publication of figures covering the assets,
liabilities and earnings (or losses) place all business upon a firmer
foundation and exert a helpful influence on the adjustment of profits
between capital, brains, skill and labor? Is the withholding of truth an
established virtue and the publication of truth a dangerous experiment?
And finally if the introduction of profit-sharing into a business
necessitates the publication of the earnings of the business, would it
not be fair to ask the few masters to make that concession to the
interests of the many workers?
Business organizations are composed of two classes—those who own and
control and those who operate and produce; or rather those who
contribute their money and those who contribute their lives. We are not
aware of any moral law that denies that the man who makes his
contribution of flesh and blood in work be it in stoking a fire, running
an engine, operating a type-writer, selling goods or driving a truck—is
justly entitled to as full a knowledge of the pecuniary result of his
labor as the man who merely loans capital to the operation.
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