The Evolution of StatesRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
History
The Evolution of States
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Europe -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Politics and government; Political science -- History
It lies on the face of Aristotle's _Politics_, however, that even if the
population difficulty had been solved otherwise than by exodus, and even
if the Athenians could have guarded against class strife among
themselves, the fatality of war in the then civilised world would have
sufficed to bring about political dissolution. As he profoundly
observes, the training of a people to war ends in their ruin, even when
they acquire supremacy, because their legislators have not "taught them
how to rest."[116] Add the memorable testimony of Thucydides concerning
the deep demoralisation wrought by the Peloponnesian War--a testimony
supported by every page of the history of the time. Even the sinister
virtue of uniting a people within itself was lacking to the perpetual
warfare of the Greeks: the internal hatreds seemed positively to worsen
in the atmosphere of the hatreds of the communities. But while the
spirit of strife is universal, peoples are inevitably trained to war;
and even if the Greek States could have so far risen above their
fratricidal jealousies as to form a stable union, it must needs have
turned to external conquest, and so run the downward course of the
post-Alexandrian Hellenistic Empires, and of the Roman Empire, which in
turn sank to dissolution before the assaults of newer militarisms.
§ 2
Nothing can save any democratic polity from the alternatives of insane
strife and imperial subjection but a vital prosperous culture, going
hand in hand with a sound economy of industry. The Greek democracies in
their different way split on the rock that wrecked the Roman Republic:
there was (1) no general mental development commensurate with the
political problems which arose for solution, and (2) there was no
approach to a sound economics. The first proposition will doubtless be
denied by those who, nourished on the literature of Greece, have come to
see in its relative excellence, the more confidently because of the
abiding difficulty of mastering it, the highest reach of the faculties
of thought and expression. But this judgment is fundamentally astray,
because of the still subsisting separation, in the literary mind, of the
idea of literary merit from the idea of scientific sanity. Men
themselves too often vowed to the defence and service of a mythology are
slow to see that it was not for nothing that the Athenian people
bottomed its culture to the last on myth and superstition. Yet a little
reflection might make it clear that the community which forced Socrates
to drink the hemlock for an alleged and unproved scepticism, and
Anaxagoras to fly for a materialistic hypothesis concerning the sun,
could have no political enlightenment adequate to the Athenian needs. We
see the superstitious Athenian demos playing the part of the ignorant
multitude of all ages, eager for a master, incapable of steadfast
self-rule, begging that the magnificent Alcibiades, who led the sacred
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