The Fireside Chats of Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Radio Addresses to the American People Broadcast Between 1933 and 1944Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano)
History
The Fireside Chats of Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Radio Addresses to the American People Broadcast Between 1933 and 1944
Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano)
Depressions -- 1929 -- United States -- Sources; New Deal, 1933-1939 -- Sources; Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945 -- Oratory -- Sources; Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945 -- Political and social views -- Sources; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1918-1945
In the face of such dissenting opinions, it is perfectly clear
that, as Chief Justice Hughes has said, "We are under a
Constitution, but the Constitution is what the judges say it is."
The Court in addition to the proper use of its judicial functions
has improperly set itself up as a third house of the Congress--a
super-legislature, as one of the justices has called it--reading
into the Constitution words and implications which are not there,
and which were never intended to be there.
We have, therefore, reached the point as a nation where we must
take action to save the Constitution from the Court and the Court
from itself. We must find a way to take an appeal from the Supreme
Court to the Constitution itself. We want a Supreme Court which
will do justice under the Constitution--not over it. In our courts
we want a government of laws and not of men.
I want--as all Americans want--an independent judiciary as proposed
by the framers of the Constitution. That means a Supreme Court that
will enforce the Constitution as written--that will refuse to amend
the Constitution by the arbitrary exercise of judicial power--
amended by judicial say-so. It does not mean a judiciary so
independent that it can deny the existence of facts which are
universally recognized.
How then could we proceed to perform the mandate given us? It was
said in last year's Democratic platform, "If these problems cannot
be effectively solved within the Constitution, we shall seek such
clarifying amendment as will assure the power to enact those laws,
adequately to regulate commerce, protect public health and safety,
and safeguard economic security." In other words, we said we would
seek an amendment only if every other possible means by legislation
were to fail.
When I commenced to review the situation with the problem squarely
before me, I came by a process of elimination to the conclusion
that, short of amendments, the only method which was clearly
constitutional, and would at the same time carry out other much
needed reforms, was to infuse new blood into all our courts. We
must have men worthy and equipped to carry out impartial justice.
But, at the same time, we must have judges who will bring to the
courts a present-day sense of the Constitution--judges who will
retain in the courts the judicial functions of a court, and reject
the legislative powers which the courts have today assumed.
In forty-five out of the forty-eight states of the Union, judges
are chosen not for life but for a period of years. In many states
judges must retire at the age of seventy. Congress has provided
financial security by offering life pensions at full pay for
federal judges on all courts who are willing to retire at seventy.
In the case of Supreme Court justices, that pension is $20,000 a
year. But all federal judges, once appointed, can, if they choose,
hold office for life, no matter how old they may get to be.
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