The neutral merchant: in relation to the law of contraband of war and blockade under the order in Council of 11th March, 1915Piggott, Francis Taylor
History
The neutral merchant: in relation to the law of contraband of war and blockade under the order in Council of 11th March, 1915
Piggott, Francis Taylor
Blockade; Contraband of war; Neutrality; World War, 1914-1918
The paraphrase of this new formula is more easy. First: wars shall
cease upon the high seas; and as ‘men-of-war’ obviously include
transports, wars will thenceforward be confined to continents;
bellicose islands will never again be allowed to participate. Permanent
peace will thus be established in part of the world; and for the rest,
seeing that you cannot expect to achieve everything at once, there must
be just one more war, in which Germany will reduce Russia to impotence,
absorb the small States, and crush France and Italy without the
interference of troublesome over-sea soldiers; after which the beatific
vision of a permanent Teutonic peace.
Secondly: with regard to so much of the formula as relates to neutrals,
the justice of it must become apparent if you introduce as a prelude
the tearful appeal so often heard of late from Berlin--‘You pray
for peace, and yet you arm our enemies to fight.’ It is unkind to
substitute for this--‘You will not let us crush our enemies in our
own way’; yet it is its exact equivalent; and reduced to a practical
proposition it means this, that when nations go to war they must fight
with their own resources, which not even the dreamiest of the Pacifists
would assent to, for then those little nations, in whose prosperity
Mr. Norman Angell so much believes,[28] would go to the wall. It would
give the strong States the power to crush them, picking their quarrel
when and how they will. But if you will not agree to this so-simple
proposition, then, for goodness’ as well as for profit’s sake, be
logical and trade with both belligerents alike; do not let yourselves
‘be influenced in the direction of conscious wilful restriction’ by so
trivial a matter as the ‘command of the sea.’ Sea-power on which it
rests must be abolished altogether, which would be a great step towards
permanent peace.
With the bearing of the ‘command of the sea’ upon the third phrase of
its ‘neutralization’ this article specially concerns itself.
All this and more lies between the extremes of Mr. Norman Angell’s
threat; either this, or the United States will take the command of
the sea into its own hands. One may reasonably doubt whether this
view commends itself to President Wilson; whether it has even entered
the minds of the ‘influential backers’ of the demand for an enormously
increased American fleet. Yet, if I may say it with profound respect,
it is only another manifestation of the fundamental misunderstanding of
the law of war which characterises the Protest itself.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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