The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Towards the end of a century, however, when the peculiar language
of Diderot and Rousseau had had time to spread and mingle with the
vulgar tongue, the false sensibility, with which the works of those
writers are filled, infected the administrators and reached even the
financiers. The official style, usually so dry in its texture, was
become more unctuous and even tender. A Sub-delegate laments to the
Intendant of Paris ‘that in the exercise of his functions he often
feels grief most poignant to a feeling heart.’
Then, as at the present time, the Government distributed certain
charitable donations among the various parishes, on condition that the
inhabitants should on their part give certain alms. When the sum thus
offered by them was sufficient, the Comptroller-General wrote on the
margin of the list of contributions, ‘Good; express satisfaction;’ but
if the sum was considerable, he wrote, ‘Good; express satisfaction and
sensibility.’
The administrative functionaries, nearly all belonging to the middle
ranks, already formed a class imbued with a spirit peculiar to itself,
and possessing traditions, virtues, an honour and a pride of its
own. This was, in fact, the aristocracy of the new order of society,
completely formed and ready to start into life; it only waited until
the Revolution had made room for it.
The administration of France was already characterised by the violent
hatred which it entertained indiscriminately towards all those not
within its own pale, whether belonging to the nobility or to the
middle classes, who attempted to take any part in public affairs. The
smallest independent body, which seemed likely to be formed without
its intervention, caused alarm; the smallest voluntary association,
whatever was its object, was considered troublesome; and none were
suffered to exist but those which it composed in an arbitrary manner,
and over which it presided. Even the great industrial companies
found little favour in the eyes of the administration; in a word, it
did not choose that the citizens should take any concern whatever
in the examination of their own affairs, and preferred sterility to
competition. But, as it has always been necessary to allow the French
people the indulgence of a little licence to console them for their
servitude, the Government suffered them to discuss with great freedom
all sorts of general and abstract theories of religion, philosophy,
morals, and even politics. It was ready enough to allow the fundamental
principles upon which society then rested to be attacked, and the
existence of God himself to be discussed, provided no comments were
made upon the very least of its own agents. Such speculations were
supposed to be altogether irrelevant to the State.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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