Courts -- United States; Revolutions; United States -- Politics and government
"But it is said that all charges should be reasonable, and that none but
reasonable charges can be exacted; and it is urged that what is a
reasonable charge is a judicial question. On the contrary, it is
preëminently a legislative one, involving considerations of policy as
well as of remuneration.... By the decision now made we declare, in
effect, that the judiciary, and not the legislature, is the final
arbiter in the regulation of fares and freights of railroads.... It is
an assumption of authority on the part of the judiciary which, ... it
has no right to make. The assertion of jurisdiction by this court makes
it the duty of every court of general jurisdiction, state or federal, to
entertain complaints [of this nature], for all courts are bound by the
Constitution of the United States, the same as we are."
There is little to add to these words. When the Supreme Court thus
undertook to determine the reasonableness of legislation it assumed,
under a somewhat thin disguise, the position of an upper chamber, which,
though it could not originate, could absolutely veto most statutes
touching the use or protection of property, for the administration of
modern American society now hinges on this doctrine of judicial
dispensation under the Police Power. Whether it be a regulation of rates
and prices, of hours of labor, of height of buildings, of municipal
distribution of charity, of flooding a cranberry bog, or of prescribing
to sleeping-car porters duties regarding the lowering of upper
berths,--in questions great and small, the courts vote upon the
reasonableness of the use of the Police Power, like any old-fashioned
town meeting. There is no rule of law involved. There is only opinion or
prejudice, or pecuniary interest. The judges admit frankly that this is
so. They avow that they try to weigh public opinion, as well as they
can, and then vote. In 1911 Mr. Justice Holmes first explained that the
Police Power extended to all great public needs, and then went on to
observe that this Police Power, or extraordinary prerogative, might be
put forth by legislatures "in aid of what is sanctioned by usage, or
held by ... preponderant opinion to be ... necessary to the public
welfare."[29]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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