The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, Vol. 07 (of 12)Burke, Edmund
Religion
The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, Vol. 07 (of 12)
Burke, Edmund
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1760-1820; Political science -- Early works to 1800
The charge, therefore, of elections ought never to be lost sight of in a
question concerning their frequency; because the grand object you seek
is independence. Independence of mind will ever be more or less
influenced by independence of fortune; and if every three years the
exhausting sluices of entertainments, drinkings, open houses, to say
nothing of bribery, are to be periodically drawn up and renewed,--if
government favors, for which now, in some shape or other, the whole race
of men are candidates, are to be called for upon every occasion, I see
that private fortunes will be washed away, and every, even to the least,
trace of independence borne down by the torrent. I do not seriously
think this Constitution, even to the wrecks of it, could survive five
triennial elections. If you are to fight the battle, you must put on
the armor of the ministry, you must call in the public to the aid of
private money. The expense of the last election has been computed (and I
am persuaded that it has not been overrated) at 1,500,000_l._,--three
shillings in the pound more in [than?] the land-tax. About the close of
the last Parliament and the beginning of this, several agents for
boroughs went about, and I remember well that it was in every one of
their mouths, "Sir, your election will cost you three thousand pounds,
if you are independent; but if the ministry supports you, it may be done
for two, and perhaps for less." And, indeed, the thing spoke itself.
Where a living was to be got for one, a commission in the army for
another, a lift in the navy for a third, and custom-house offices
scattered about without measure or number, who doubts but money may be
saved? The Treasury may even add money: but, indeed, it is superfluous.
A gentleman of two thousand a year, who meets another of the same
fortune, fights with equal arms; but if to one of the candidates you add
a thousand a year in places for himself, and a power of giving away as
much among others, one must, or there is no truth in arithmetical
demonstration, ruin his adversary, if he is to meet him and to fight
with him every third year. It will be said I do not allow for the
operation of character: but I do; and I know it will have its weight in
most elections,--perhaps it may be decisive in some; but there are few
in which it will prevent great expenses. The destruction of independent
fortunes will be the consequence on the part of the candidate. What will
be the consequence of triennial corruption, triennial drunkenness,
triennial idleness, triennial lawsuits, litigations, prosecutions,
triennial frenzy,--of society dissolved, industry interrupted,
ruined,--of those personal hatreds that will never be suffered to
soften, those animosities and feuds which will be rendered immortal,
those quarrels which are never to be appeased,--morals vitiated and
gangrened to the vitals? I think no stable and useful advantages were
ever made by the money got at elections by the voter, but all he gets is
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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