A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 2: John Quincy Adams
History
A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 2: John Quincy Adams
Adams, John Quincy, 1767-1848; Presidents -- United States; United States -- History -- Sources; United States -- Politics and government
The House will perceive that even at the date of these instructions the
first treaties between some of the southern Republics had been
concluded, by which they had stipulated among themselves this diplomatic
assembly at Panama. And it will be seen with what caution, so far as it
might concern the policy of the United States, and at the same time with
what frankness and good will toward those nations, he gave countenance
to their design of inviting the United States to this high assembly for
consultation upon _American interests_. It was not considered a
conclusive reason for declining this invitation that the proposal for
assembling such a Congress had not first been made by ourselves. It had
sprung from the urgent, immediate, and momentous common interests of the
great communities struggling for independence, and, as it were,
quickening into life. From them the proposition to us appeared
respectful and friendly; from us to them it could scarcely have been
made without exposing ourselves to suspicions of purposes of ambition,
if not of domination, more suited to rouse resistance and excite
distrust than to conciliate favor and friendship. The first and
paramount principle upon which it was deemed wise and just to lay the
corner stone of all our future relations with them was
_disinterestedness_; the next was cordial good will to them; the third
was a claim of fair and equal reciprocity. Under these impressions when
the invitation was formally and earnestly given, had it even been
doubtful whether _any_ of the objects proposed for consideration and
discussion at the Congress were such as that immediate and important
interests of the United States would be affected by the issue, I should,
nevertheless, have determined so far as it depended upon me to have
accepted the invitation and to have appointed ministers to attend the
meeting. The proposal itself implied that the Republics by whom it was
made _believed_ that important interests of ours or of theirs rendered
our attendance there desirable. They had given us notice that in the
novelty of their situation and in the spirit of deference to our
experience they would be pleased to have the benefit of our friendly
counsel. To meet the temper with which this proposal was made with a
cold repulse was not thought congenial to that warm interest in their
welfare with which the people and Government of the Union had hitherto
gone hand in hand through the whole progress of their revolution. To
insult them by a refusal of their overture, and then invite them to a
similar assembly to be called by ourselves, was an expedient which never
presented itself to the mind. I would have sent ministers to the meeting
had it been merely to give them such advice as they might have desired,
even with reference to _their own_ interests, not involving ours. I
would have sent them had it been merely to explain and set forth to them
our reasons for _declining_ any proposal of specific measures to which
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