A Defence of Virginia: And Through Her, of the South, in Recent and Pending Contests Against the Sectional PartyDabney, Robert Lewis
History
A Defence of Virginia: And Through Her, of the South, in Recent and Pending Contests Against the Sectional Party
Dabney, Robert Lewis
Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; Slavery -- United States -- History; Slavery -- Virginia
Such is the history of the case. The inference of the objector is,
that because the Congress of 1789, acting under the late constitution,
claimed power to execute the ordinance of 1787, (passed by the
previous and different general government,) with its anti-slavery
clause included, therefore that constitution gave it power to exclude
slavery from any other territory. But the inference is worthless. For,
first, the Congress of the old Confederation had not a particle of
constitutional power to adopt such an anti-slavery clause. So declared
Mr. Madison emphatically:[66] and so has decided the Supreme Court of
the United States.[67] Both these high authorities declare, that if
the clause had any validity, it derived it only from the assent of
Virginia, who had full sovereignty over the territory, and who
accepted and ratified the exclusion by act of her General Assembly, as
well as by the mouths of her representatives in the Confederation. And
the Congress of 1789, in accepting the conditions imposed by the
Ordinance of 1787 on the territory, as valid and abiding, undertook to
change nothing, because it regarded that validity as the result of
treaty stipulations between Virginia and the other twelve States
represented by the old Congress. It conceived itself as having
inherited from a previous and different government powers over this
particular territory, which it could by no means have originated by
its own constitutional authority.[68] Second: The government framed
under the new constitution was one of limited powers; and Congress was
expressly inhibited, by the instrument which created it, from
exercising any authority not granted. But such a power as that to
exclude citizens of any of the United States from the common
territory, because they proposed to carry there property legalized
both by the Constitution of the United States and of their own State,
was not granted to Congress. That a government whose very foundation
was the equality of the States, should thus attempt to disfranchise
some States of a part of their rights, was a solecism too monstrous
for these able and enlightened men. Third: When similar cessions of
territory were afterwards made by North Carolina and Georgia, these
States refused to Congress the privilege of appending to their laws
touching these lands, the exclusion of slavery; and Congress obeyed,
so framing their enactments as to admit and protect slave-owners. This
proves that the exclusion derived its force from the consent of the
Sovereign State, and not from the power of Congress.
[Footnote 66: Federalist, No. 38. Letter to Walsh, 1819.]
[Footnote 67: 19th Howard, pp. 40, 41.]
[Footnote 68: 19th Howard, pp. 44, 45.]
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