Then, hostilities once commenced, Prussia did not allow them to take breath or to recover from their stupefaction. On the contrary, their amazement grew day by day, with the swift and bewildering rush of her victories. Therefore our isolation, which marked the beginning of the war and which gave the character of criminal folly to the enterprise, continued during our disasters up till the last moment of the terrible negotiations which finished with the mutilation of France. The selfishness and the inertia of the Powers certainly equalled the madness of those responsible for such a declaration of war. If the rulers who presided over their destinies had then decided to follow a more elevated and far-seeing policy, the mutilation of France would have been prevented. The germs of new complications in the more or less distant future would have been removed, and the foundations of a sincere and lasting peace would have been laid in Europe. The era of general disarmament, the Golden Age of modern times, could have been prepared. But alas, the opportunity was lost! The Powers, however, were able to explain their conduct in words often repeated to me at the time: “You have taken us by surprise and we are not ready. France is invaded, the German armies are victorious and intoxicated by success. If Prussia were to refuse our intervention and take us as at our word, the day we spoke more boldly we should with you be beaten, because we are neither armed nor in a condition to fight against victorious Germany.” This is the explanation of the pusillanimous attitude which the States of Europe maintained during the war and which no Power dared to depart from, even at the moment of concluding peace. France lacked neither sympathy nor good wishes, but our enemy was feared, and none felt themselves in a position to challenge him. This, if I am not in error, was the real cause of our isolation, even at the end of the conflict when sympathy for us had revived and France had shown courage and vigour worthy of another fate. But to return to my interview with Mr. Gladstone at Hawarden Castle. If it was as sterile as all the others, it was at least complete. We examined every question exhaustively and in the minutest details. Mr. Glynn, the member of Parliament and Secretary to the Treasury, who was a friend of the family, on seeing me leave the study with Mr. Gladstone, said: “You may flatter yourself on having enjoyed more of the Prime Minister’s society than anyone else I know. Since Mr. Gladstone has become Premier he has never granted anyone as long an interview as he has to you.” This was evidently very flattering to the cause which had brought me here. Indeed, it was worth anyone’s while thoroughly to discuss it, but without in the slightest degree overlooking the great kindness of my charming host, I would have preferred a more satisfactory result even if it had meant a shorter interview.