A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present dayGide, Charles
History
A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present day
Gide, Charles
Economics -- History
It is certain that the Physiocrats wished to reduce legislative activity
to a minimum, and they expressed the belief—which has often been repeated
since by every advocate of _laissez-faire_—that the most useful work
any legislative body can do is to abolish useless laws.[79] If any new
laws are required they ought simply to be copies of the unwritten laws
of Nature. Neither men nor Governments can make laws, for they have
not the necessary ability. Every law should be an expression of that
Divine wisdom which rules the universe. Hence the true title of lawgiver,
not law-maker.[80] It is in this connexion that we meet with those
anecdotes—some of more than doubtful authenticity it is true—that have
gathered round their names. Of these the best known is that which tells
of Mercier de la Rivière’s visit to St. Petersburg, and his laconic reply
to Catherine the Great. He had been invited there to advise the Empress
about a new constitution for the country. After dilating upon the great
difficulties of the undertaking and the responsibilities it involved, he
gave it as his opinion that the best way of achieving her object was just
to let things take their course. Whereupon the Empress promptly wished
him good-bye.
But it would be a great mistake to think of the Physiocrats as
anarchists. What they wanted to see was the minimum of legislation with
a maximum of authority. The two things are by no means incompatible. The
liberal policy of limitation and control would have found scant favour
with them. Their ideal was neither democratic self-government, as we have
it in the Greek republics, nor a parliamentary _régime_ such as we find
in England. Both were detested.[81]
On the other hand, great respect was shown for the social hierarchy, and
they were strong in their condemnation of every doctrine that aimed at
attacking either the throne or the nobility. What they desired was to
have sovereign authority in the guise of a hereditary monarchy. In short,
what they really wanted—and they were not frightened by the name—was
despotism.[82]
“The sovereign authority should be one, and supreme above all individual
or private enterprise. The object of sovereignty is to secure obedience,
to defend every just right, on the one hand, and to secure personal
security on the other. A government that is based upon the idea of a
balance of power is useless.”[83]
This should help us to realise the distance separating the Physiocrats
from the Montesquieuian idea of the distribution of the sovereign
authority, and from the other idea of local or regional control. There
is no mention of representation as a corollary of taxation. This form of
guarantee, which marks the beginnings of parliamentary government, could
have no real significance for the Physiocrats. Taxation was just a right
inherent in the conception of proprietary sovereignty, a territorial
revenue, which was in no way dependent upon the people’s will.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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