A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of CorunnaOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of Corunna
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
But resolved to get together something like a representative body
which might vote away the liberty of Spain, Napoleon nominated, in
the Madrid Gazette of May 24, 150 persons who were to go to Bayonne
and there ask him to grant them a king. He named a most miscellaneous
crowd--ministers, bishops, judges, municipal officers of Madrid, dukes
and counts, the heads of the religious orders, the Grand Inquisitor and
some of his colleagues, and six well-known Americans who were to speak
for the colonies. To the eternal disgrace of the ruling classes of
Spain, no less than ninety-one of the nominees were base enough to obey
the orders given them, to go to Bayonne, and there to crave as a boon
that the weak and incompetent Joseph Bonaparte might be set to govern
their unhappy country, under the auspices of his brother the hero and
regenerator. Long before the degrading farce was complete, the whole
country was in arms behind them, and they knew themselves for traitors.
The election of King Joseph I was only taken in hand on June 15, while
twenty days before the north and south of Spain had risen in arms in
the name of the captive Ferdinand VII.
It took a week for the news of the insurrection of May 2 to spread
round Spain: in the public mouth it of course assumed the shape of
a massacre deliberately planned by Murat. It was not till some days
later that the full details of the events at Bayonne got abroad. But
ever since the surprise of the frontier fortresses in February and
March, intelligent men all over the country had been suspecting that
some gross act of treachery was likely to be the outcome of the French
invasion. Yet in most of the districts of Spain there was a gap of some
days between the arrival of the news of the King’s captivity and the
first outbreak of popular indignation. The fact was that the people
were waiting for the lawful and constituted authorities to take action,
and did not move of themselves till it was certain that no initiative
was to be expected from those in high places. But Spain was a country
which had long been governed on despotic lines; and its official
chiefs, whether the nominees of Godoy or of the knot of intriguers who
had just won their way to power under Ferdinand, were not the men to
lead a war of national independence. Many were mere adventurers, who
had risen to preferment by flattering the late favourite. Others were
typical bureaucrats, whose only concern was to accept as legitimate
whatever orders reached them from Madrid: provided those orders were
couched in the proper form and written on the right paper, they did not
look to see whether the signature at the bottom was that of Godoy or
of the Infante Don Antonio, or of Murat. Others again were courtiers
who owed their position to their great names, and not to any personal
ability. It is this fact that accounts for the fortnight or even three
weeks of torpor that followed the events of the second and sixth of
May.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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