A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The PeopleSpooner, Lysander
Philosophy
A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The People
Spooner, Lysander
Cleveland, Grover, 1837-1908; United States -- Politics and government
4. That where no fraud is practised, every person, who is mentally
competent to make reasonable contracts, must be presumed to be as
competent to judge of the value of the money that is offered in the
market, as he is to judge of the value of all the other commodities that
are bought and sold for money.
Will you dispute the truth of that proposition?
5. That the free and open market, in which all honest money and all
honest commodities are free to be given and received in exchange for
each other, is the true, final, absolute, and only test of the true and
natural market value of all money, as of all the other commodities that
are bought and sold for money.
Will you dispute the truth of that proposition?
6. That any prohibition, by a government, of any such kind or amount of
money--provided it be honest in itself--as the parties to contracts may
voluntarily agree to give and receive in exchange for labor or property,
is a palpable violation of their natural right to make their own
contracts, and to buy and sell their labor and property on such terms as
they may find to be necessary for the supply of their wants, or may
think most beneficial to their interests.
Will you dispute the truth of that proposition?
7. That any government, that licenses a small amount of an article of
such universal necessity as money, and that gives the control of it into
a few hands, selected by itself, and then prohibits any and all other
money--that is intrinsically honest and valuable--palpably violates all
other men's natural right to make their own contracts, and infallibly
proves its purpose to be to enable the few holders of the licensed money
to rob all other persons in the prices of their labor and property.
Will you dispute the truth of that proposition?
Are not all these propositions so self-evident, or so easily
demonstrated, that they cannot, with any reason, be disputed?
If you feel competent to show the falsehood of any one of them, I hope
you will attempt the task.
SECTION XIV.
If, now, you wish to form some rational opinion of the extent of the
robbery practised in this country, by the holders of this monopoly of
money, you have only to look at the following facts.
There are, in this country, I think, at least twenty-five millions of
persons, male and female, sixteen years old, and upwards, mentally and
physically capable of running machinery, producing wealth, and supplying
their own needs for an independent and comfortable subsistence.
To make their industry most effective, and to enable them,
_individually_, to put into their own pockets as large a portion as
possible of their own earnings, they need, _on an average_, one thousand
dollars each of _money capital_. Some need one, two, three, or five
hundred dollars, others one, two, three, or five thousand. These
persons, then, need, _in the aggregate_, twenty-five thousand millions
of dollars ($25,000,000,000), of money capital.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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