A Study of Siouan Cults: Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1889-1890, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1861, pages 351-544Dorsey, James Owen
Religion
A Study of Siouan Cults: Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1889-1890, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1861, pages 351-544
Dorsey, James Owen
Siouan Indians -- Religion
The sacred tent in which the sacred pole of the two tribes was kept was
never painted. When the people remained in their permanent villages of
earth lodges, the entrance of the sacred tent faced the sunrise; but
when the tribe migrated, the entrance of the tent faced the direction
in which they traveled. The pole was never exposed to dew, rain, or
snow, but was kept within the lodge, during any kind of bad weather.
It was never laid down, but was tied to a tent pole. In good weather
it was exposed to view. Sometimes it was tied to one of the tent poles
near the entrance, as shown in Fig. 187. When not tied thus, it rested
on a forked post set in the ground, either in the rear of the tent or
in front of it. The top of the pole, to which the scalp was fastened,
projected beyond the forked post. When this post was in the rear of the
tent, the top of the pole pointed towards the tent; but when the post
was set up in front, the pole pointed in the direction to be traveled.
The place for the pole in good weather was determined by its keeper.
[Illustration: FIG. 187.--Sacred tent in which the pole was kept.]
The people feared the pole, and they would not dare to tread on the
tent or its tent-poles. Should a horse tread on a tent-pole of this
tent, its legs were sure to be broken subsequently. George Miller knew
of two horses that did this, and their legs were broken when the people
were surrounding a herd of buffalo.
Frank La Flèche has told the author about some sacred stone arrows
which were used for purposes of divination. Hence, the nikie name, Maⁿ
pĕjĭ, Bad Arrow, i.e. _Good_ Arrow, a personal name of the Hañga gens.
Other objects, which may have been fetiches, have been named in § 56.
In addition to all which have been mentioned must be named the waȼixabe
or mysterious bags. While these are not governmental instrumentalities,
they are “waqube” mysterious things, and on certain occasions they
are addressed as “grandfathers.” There used to be five of these bags
among the Omaha, but only three are now in existence. Those which could
be carried in time of war were made of the skins and feathers of the
gȼedaⁿ or pigeon hawk, the iⁿbe-jañka or fork-tailed hawk, and the
nickucku or swallow.[70]
┴ade uȼeȼĕ, according to Big Elk (but denied by Joseph La Flèche and
Two Crows) is the mystic rite performed by the principal captain when
near the camp of the enemy. It is thus described by Big Elk (See § 62):
“Four times he untied the bag which he had made sacred. He caused
the wind to waft the odor of the medicine toward the lodges. When
the medicine arrived there, it made the Pawnees forget their
warlike temper; it made them forget their weapons.”[71]
That there was some foundation for this statement, compare what is said
in Omaha Sociology, p. 321:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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