Russia -- History -- Revolution, 1905-1907; Russia -- Politics and government -- 1894-1917; Russia -- Social conditions -- 1801-1917
To-day I had a long conversation with X, one of the most enlightened
Liberals in the service of the Russian Government. He said that the
action of the Government in proclaiming the Manifesto of October 17th
could only be compared to the Declaration of the Rights of Man by the
French Revolution before any constitution was defined. The Manifesto had
proclaimed in Russia principles unknown in that country, and the fact
remained, although it was sometimes overlooked, that it was the
Government and not a National Assembly which had taken the momentous
step. Whatever circumstances may have provoked this step, it is none the
less true that Count Witte by taking it retained the control over the
general situation, and still retains it in spite of all appearances to
the contrary. This was a merit not recognised by his detractors, who are
now universal. Then he went on to say that the source of the trouble and
confusion now was that the Manifesto formed the programme and the basis
of a Constitution; it was not a Constitution in itself (since it had
been conferred by an Autocrat and could be taken back again); this fact
had been slow in dawning on the people, unused to abstract political
discussion, and most people, probably the majority, considered the
Manifesto to be equivalent to an established Constitution. The trouble
is, he added, that some of the most intelligent of the moderate Liberals
of the upper classes do not know what a Constitution is. If the
Manifesto had been immediately followed by a Constitution, the questions
which at the present time were giving rise to heated debate would never
have been raised. They would have been settled before they were
discussed by the public. As it was the Manifesto contained a collection
of principles which all parties sought to interpret and to exploit to
their own advantage. The reactionary party sees in the preservation of
the word “Autocrat” the key of the situation. He added that though his
party was not large, and had lost a great deal of its influence, none
the less it possessed a deep root in the Conservative element in Russia.
Count Witte, he said, is supposed, and rightly, to interpret the word
“Autocrat” historically, and to substitute for the word “Limited” that
of “Independent” (International). He then spoke of the Octobrists, the
party of the 17th of October. He said that they showed conciliatory
tendencies, which although obviously well meaning in times of
Revolution, made for weakness. They avoid the question of title and that
of the oath of the sovereign, and declare themselves satisfied with the
clear and precise act guaranteeing the oath on the part of the successor
to the throne; and they remain content with the Manifesto as far as the
actual sovereign is concerned. The Radical parties take no interest in
this question, the Social Democrats take even less, since they look to
Revolution and to Revolution only for the ultimate decision of the
destiny of their country.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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