Abraham Lincoln and the Abolition of Slavery in the United StatesLeland, Charles Godfrey
History
Abraham Lincoln and the Abolition of Slavery in the United States
Leland, Charles Godfrey
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
With so much to call for his care in the field, President Lincoln was
not less busy in the Cabinet. The relations of the Federal Government
with Europe were of great importance. “The rebels,” says Arnold,
with truth, “had a positive, vigorous organisation, with agents all
over Europe, many of them in the diplomatic service of the United
States.” They were well selected, and they were successful in creating
the impression that the Confederacy was eminently “a gentleman’s
government”--that the Federal represented an agrarian mob led by
demagogues--that Mr. Lincoln was a vulgar, ignorant boor--and that the
war itself was simply an unconstitutional attempt to force certain
states to remain under a tyrannical and repulsive rule. The great
fact that the South had, in the most public manner, proclaimed that
it seceded _because the North would not permit the further extension
of slavery_, was utterly ignored; and the active interference of the
North with slavery was ostentatiously urged as a grievance, though,
by a strange inconsistency, it was deemed expedient by many foreign
anti-slavery men to withdraw all sympathy for the Federal cause, on the
ground that its leaders manifested no eagerness to set the slaves free
until it became a matter of military expediency. Thus the humane wisdom
and moderation, which inspired Lincoln and the true men of the Union
to overcome the dreadful obstacles which existed in the opposition of
the Northern democrats to Emancipation, was most sophistically and
cruelly turned against them. To a more cynical class, the war was but
the cleaning by fire of a filthy chimney which should have been burnt
out long before, and its Iliad in a nutshell amounted to a squabble
which concerned nobody save as a matter for amusement. And there were,
finally, not a few--to judge from the frank avowal of a journal of
the highest class--who looked forward with joy to the breaking up of
the American Union, because “their sympathies were with men, not with
monsters, and Russia and the United States are simply giants among
nations.” All this bore, in due time, its natural fruit. Whether people
were to blame for this want of sympathy, considering the ingenuity with
which Southern agents fulfilled their missions, is another matter.
Time, which is, happily, every day modifying old feelings, cannot
change truths. And it cannot be denied that hostilities had hardly
begun, and that only half the Slave States were in insurrection, when
the English and French Governments, acting in concert, recognised the
government at Montgomery as an established belligerent power. As to
this recognition, Mr. Charles F. Adams, the United States Minister
to England, was instructed by Mr. Seward to the effect that it, if
carried out, must at once suspend all friendly relations between the
United States and England. When, on June 15th, the English and French
ministers applied to Mr. Seward for leave to communicate to him their
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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