Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
I must make some observation, said Mr. G., on the last paragraph but
one, where we call ourselves "the freest and most enlightened nation in
the world:" indeed, the whole of that paragraph is objectionable; I
disapprove the whole of it. If I am free, if I am happy, if I am
enlightened more than others, I wish not to proclaim it on the house
top; if we are free, it is not prudent to declare it; if enlightened, it
is not our duty in this House to trumpet it to the world; it is no
Legislative concern. If gentlemen will examine the paragraph, [referring
to that contained in the parenthesis,] it seems to prove that the
gentleman who drew it up was going into the field of adulation; which
would tarnish a private character. I do think this kind of affection the
PRESIDENT gains nothing from. The many long Addresses we hear of, add
nothing to the lustre of his character. In the honor we may attempt to
give to others we may hurt ourselves. This may prove a self-destroyer;
by relying too much on administration, we may rely too little on our own
strength.
Mr. SITGREAVES said, that whatever division of the question gentlemen
would propose, was indifferent to him; the words of the answer were
perfectly congenial with his wishes, and he was prepared to give his
opposition to any of the amendments proposed. On mature deliberation,
there was not a sentiment in the report but he highly approved. He could
not see any thing unnatural or unbecoming in drawing just comparisons of
our situation with that of our neighbors; this is the only way we can
form a just view of our own happiness. It is a very necessary way to
come to a right knowledge of our own situation by comparing it with that
of other nations. He would not reproach another people because they are
not so happy as we are; but he thought drawing simple comparisons in the
way of the report was no reproach. He was not against bringing the
comparison down to private life, as the gentleman from Virginia had
done; he should think it wrong in a man to exult over his neighbor who
was distressed or ignorant, because himself was wealthy or wise. Yet he
saw no impropriety in his own family of speaking of their happiness and
advantages, compared with that of others; it would awaken in them a
grateful sense of their superior enjoyments, while it pointed out the
faults and follies of others, only in order that those he had the care
of may learn to avoid them: thus while our happiness is pointed out, the
miseries of nations involved in distress are delineated to serve as
beacons for the United States to steer clear of. He did not, with the
gentleman from Virginia, in any degree, doubt of the wisdom or firmness
of the Administration of America. In the language of the Address, he
entertained a very high opinion of it, "a grateful conviction that the
wise, firm, and patriotic Administration of the PRESIDENT had been
signally conducive to the success of the present form of Government."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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