Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
influence of her politics, the doctrine of liberty and equality were to
be preached on the other side of the Alleghany mountains, what numerous
enemies may they breed in our own country? France can wound us most, and
we have the least reason to provoke her. It would be policy in her to go
to war with us; by ruining our trade with England, she could give a
violent wound to her enemy; yet that gentleman says, now is the time to
assert our rights, now we are in danger. The war-whoop and the hatchet,
of which the gentleman spoke so feelingly last session, is no longer in
his thoughts. If this was the only reason he had, it would be enough to
influence his vote against an acknowledgment of the wisdom and firmness
that has dictated our Administration.
Mr. WILLIAMS rose and said, he was sorry to trouble the committee at
such a late hour, but he could not be satisfied with giving a silent
vote on an occasion when the PRESIDENT's popularity was doubted. He
thought members ought to speak the will of the people they represent. He
could assert that it was not merely his own opinion he spoke, but that
of his constituents, when he voted for the Address as reported. He was
sorry to hear the gentleman last up speak in the style he had done,
although he owned it was not altogether new to him. The gentleman
wished the first clause to be struck out. Mr. W. thought it was the duty
of every pious man to thank God for the benefits he enjoys. And shall
not we, as a nation, thank him for keeping us from a state of war?
Gentlemen's ideas were to strike the whole out in a mass; but he hoped
they would not be gratified. Mr. W. said, he was very sorry to hear the
gentleman speak against the wisdom and firmness of the PRESIDENT, which
assertion seemed to have its foundation in the Treaty concluded with
Great Britain. He would ask the gentleman whether that act of ours
should have any influence on our situation with France? Wherein have we
differed from the compact made with France by our treaty made with that
country? We surely had a right to treat with Great Britain, else we
could not be an independent nation; and France will not deny this. In
1778, the Ambassador of France informed the British Court that his
nation had entered into a treaty with the United States, and at the same
time informed them that great attention had been paid by the contracting
parties not to stipulate any exclusive advantage in favor of the French
nation, and that there was reserved, on the part of the United States,
the liberty of treating with any nation whatsoever upon the same footing
of equality and reciprocity. But the gentleman (Mr. GILES) says, we
ought not to give an advantage to an enemy. Mr. W. said, that no
advantage was given to Britain, but, on the contrary, the article
complained of must be of advantage to France; it is an encouragement for
American vessels to go to their ports; it insures them against loss, if
they are interrupted in their voyage. It had been said that it would be
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