Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. NICHOLAS.--Several gentlemen profess much reluctance to make any
change in the constitution; he would make no such profession; and though
he should be as jealous of improper alterations, or the introduction
of principles incompatible with Republican Government, he would not
hesitate to make any alteration calculated to promote, or secure the
public liberty upon a firmer basis; nay, if it could be made better he
would expunge the whole book. Gentlemen who are for adhering so closely
to the constitution, appear not to consider that a choice of President
from the number three, is more in the spirit of the constitution than
from five; and preserves the relation that the election of two persons,
under the present form, holds to the number five. A reason equally
forcible with him was, that, by taking the number three instead of five,
you place the choice with more certainty in the people at large, and
render the choice more consonant to their wishes. With him, also, it was
a most powerful reason for preferring three, that it would render the
Chief Magistrate dependent only on the people at large, and independent
of any party or any State interest. The people held the sovereign power,
and it was intended by the constitution that they should have the
election of the Chief Magistrate. It was never contemplated as a case
likely to occur, but in an extreme case, that the election should go to
the House of Representatives. What, he asked, would have been the effect,
had Mr. Jay been elected when he had only one vote? What, he would ask,
would be the impression made upon our own people, and upon foreign
nations, had Mr. Aaron Burr been chosen at the last election, when the
universal sentiment was to place the present Chief Magistrate in that
station? He did not mean any thing disrespectful or invidious towards
the Vice President, he barely stated the fact, so well known, and asked,
what would be the effect? Where would be the bond of attachment to that
constitution which could admit of an investiture in a case so important,
in known opposition to the wishes of the people? The effect would be
fatal to the constitution itself; it would weaken public attachment to
it, and the affectation, if alone for the small States, would not have
been heard of in the deep murmur of discontent.
An adjournment was now called for and carried.
TUESDAY, November 29.
_Amendment to the Constitution._
The order of the day being called up on the amendments to the
constitution, a considerable time elapsed, when
Mr. DAYTON rose and said, that since no other gentleman thought proper to
address the Chair, although laboring himself under a very severe cold,
which rendered speaking painful, he could not suffer the question to pass
without an effort to arrest it in its progress; and should consider his
last breath well expended in endeavoring to prevent the degradation which
the State he represented would suffer if the amendment were to prevail.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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