Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The United States are now divided, and will probably continue so,
into two great political parties; whenever, under this amendment, a
Presidential election shall come round, and the four rival candidates
be proposed, two of them only will be voted for as President--one of
these two must be the man; the chances in favor of each will be equal.
Will not this increased probability of success afford more than double
the inducement to those candidates, and their friends, to tamper with
the Electors, to exercise intrigue, bribery, and corruption, as in an
election upon the present plan, where the whole four would be voted for
alike, where the chances against each are as three to one, and it is
totally uncertain which of the gentlemen may succeed to the high office?
And there must, indeed, be a great scarcity of character in the United
States, when, in so extensive and populous a country, four citizens
cannot be found, either of them worthy even of the Chief Magistracy
of the nation. But, Mr. President, I have never yet seen the great
inconvenience that has been so much clamored about, and that will be
provided against in future by substituting this amendment. There was,
indeed, a time when it became necessary for the House of Representatives
to elect, by ballot, a President of the United States from the two
highest in vote, and they were engaged here some days, as I have been
told, in a very good-humored way, in the exercise of that constitutional
right. They at length decided; and what was the consequence? The people
were satisfied, and here the thing ended. What does this prove? that the
constitution is defective? No, sir, but rather the wisdom and efficiency
of the very provision intended to be stricken out, and that the people
are acquainted with the nature of their Government; and give me leave
to say, if fortune had smiled upon another man, and that election had
eventuated in another way, the consequence would have been precisely
the same; the great mass of the people would have been content and
quiet; and those factious, restless disorganizers, that are the eternal
disturbers of all well administered Governments, and who then talked of
resistance, would have had too much prudence to hazard their necks in
so dangerous an enterprise. I will not undertake to say that there was
no danger apprehended on that occasion. I know many of the friends of
the constitution had their fears; the experiment however proved them
groundless; but what was the danger apprehended pending the election
in the House of Representatives? Was it that they might choose Colonel
Burr or Mr. Jefferson President? Not at all; they had, notwithstanding
what had been said on this subject by the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr.
WRIGHT,) a clear constitutional right to choose either of them, as much
so as the Electors in the several States had to vote for them in the
first instance; the particular man was a consideration of but secondary
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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