Neutrality -- Belgium; Peace; United States -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
But we ought not to and must not rest content merely with working for
our own defense. The utterly appalling calamity that has befallen
the civilized world during the last five months, and, above all, the
horrible catastrophe that has overwhelmed Belgium without Belgium’s
having the smallest responsibility in the matter, must make the
least thoughtful realize how unsatisfactory is the present basis of
international relations among civilized powers. In order to make things
better several things are necessary. We must clearly grasp the fact
that mere selfish avoidance of duty to others, even although covered by
such fine words as “peace” and “neutrality,” is a wretched thing and an
obstacle to securing the peace of righteousness throughout the world.
We must recognize clearly the old common-law doctrine that a right
without a remedy is void. We must firmly grasp the fact that measures
should be taken to put force back of good faith in the observance of
treaties. The worth of treaties depends purely upon the good faith with
which they are executed; and it is mischievous folly to enter into
treaties without providing for their execution and wicked folly to
enter into them if they ought not to be executed.
It is necessary to devise means for putting the collective and
efficient strength of all the great powers of civilization back of any
well-behaved power which is wronged by another power. In other words,
we must devise means for executing treaties in good faith, by the
establishment of some great international tribunal, and by securing
the enforcement of the decrees of this tribunal through the action of
a posse comitatus of powerful and civilized nations, all of them being
bound by solemn agreement to coerce any power that offends against
the decrees of the tribunal. That there will be grave difficulties in
successfully working out this plan I would be the first to concede,
and I would be the first to insist that to work it out successfully
would be impossible unless the nations acted in good faith. But the
plan is feasible, and it is the only one which at the moment offers
any chance of success. Ever since the days of Henry IV of France there
has been a growth, slow and halting to be sure but yet evidently a
growth, in recognition by the public conscience of civilized nations
that there should be a method of making the rules of international
morality obligatory and binding among the powers. But merely to trust
to public opinion without organized force back of it is silly. Force
must be put back of justice, and nations must not shrink from the duty
of proceeding by any means that are necessary against wrong-doers.
It is the failure to recognize these vital truths that has rendered
the actions of our government during the last few years impotent
to preserve world peace and fruitful only in earning for us the
half-veiled derision of other nations.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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