American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
All of these men, whether paid or not, make a business of political
life and are thoroughly at home among the obscure intrigues that go to
make up so much of it; and consequently they have quite as much the
advantage when pitted against amateurs as regular soldiers have when
matched against militiamen. But their numbers, though absolutely large,
are, relatively to the entire community, so small that some other cause
must be taken into consideration in order to account for the commanding
position occupied by the machine and the machine politicians in public
life. This other determining cause is to be found in the fact that all
these machine associations have a social as well as a political side,
and that a large part of the political life of every leader or boss is
also identical with his social life.
THE SOCIAL SIDE OF MACHINE POLITICS.
The political associations of the various districts are not organized
merely at the approach of election day; on the contrary, they exist
throughout the year, and for the greater part of the time are to a
great extent merely social clubs. To a large number of the men who
belong to them they are the chief social rallying-point. These men
congregate in the association building in the evening to smoke,
drink beer, and play cards, precisely as the wealthier men gather in
the clubs whose purpose is avowedly social and not political--such
as the Union, University, and Knickerbocker. Politics thus becomes a
pleasure and relaxation as well as a serious pursuit. The different
members of the same club or association become closely allied with one
another, and able to act together on occasions with unison and _esprit
de corps_; and they will stand by one of their own number for reasons
precisely homologous to those which make a member of one of the upper
clubs support a fellow-member if the latter happens to run for office.
“He is a gentleman, and shall have my vote,” says the swell club man.
“He’s one of the boys, and I’m for him,” replies the heeler from the
district party association. In each case the feeling is social rather
than political, but where the club man influences one vote the heeler
controls ten. A rich merchant and a small tradesman alike find it
merely a bore to attend the meetings of the local political club; it
is to them an irksome duty which is shirked whenever possible. But
to the small politicians and to the various workers and hangers-on,
these meetings have a distinct social attraction, and the attendance
is a matter of preference. They are in congenial society and in the
place where by choice they spend their evenings, and where they bring
their friends and associates; and naturally all the men so brought
together gradually blend their social and political ties, and work
with an effectiveness impossible to the outside citizens whose social
instincts interfere, instead of coinciding with their political duties.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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