American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
But, in addition to all this, the boss owes very much of his commanding
influence to his social relations with various bodies of his
constituents; and it is his work as well as his pleasure to keep up
these relations. No _débutante_ during her first winter in society has
a more exacting round of social duties to perform than has a prominent
ward politician. In every ward there are numerous organizations,
primarily social in character, but capable of being turned to good
account politically. The Amalgamated Hack-drivers’ Union, the Hibernian
Republican Club, the West Side Young Democrats, the Jefferson C. Mullin
Picnic Association,--there are twenty such bodies as these in every
district, and with, at any rate, the master spirits in each and all it
is necessary for the boss to keep on terms of intimate and, indeed,
rather boisterous friendship. When the Jefferson C. Mullin society goes
on a picnic, the average citizen scrupulously avoids its neighborhood;
but the boss goes, perhaps with his wife, and, moreover, enjoys himself
heartily, and is hail-fellow-well-met with the rest of the picnickers,
who, by the way, may be by no means bad fellows; and when election
day comes round, the latter, in return, no matter to what party
they may nominally belong, enthusiastically support their friend and
guest, on social, not political, grounds. The boss knows every man
in his district who can control any number of votes: an influential
saloon-keeper, the owner of a large livery stable, the leader among
a set of horse-car drivers, a foreman in a machine-shop who has a
taste for politics,--with all alike he keeps up constant and friendly
relations. Of course this fact does not of itself make the boss a bad
man; there are several such I could point out who are ten times over
better fellows than are the mild-mannered scholars of timorous virtue
who criticise them. But on the whole the qualities tending to make a
man a successful local political leader under our present conditions
are not apt to be qualities that make him serve the public honestly or
disinterestedly; and in the lower wards, where there is a large vicious
population, the condition of politics is often fairly appalling,
and the boss of the dominant party is generally a man of grossly
immoral public and private character, as anyone can satisfy himself
by examining the testimony taken by the last two or three legislative
committees that have investigated the affairs of New York city. In some
of these wards many of the social organizations with which the leaders
are obliged to keep on good terms are composed of criminals, or of the
relatives and associates of criminals. The testimony mentioned above
showed some strange things. I will take at random a few instances that
occur to me at the moment. There was one case of an assemblyman who
served several terms in the Legislature, while his private business was
to carry on corrupt negotiations between the Excise Commissioners and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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