An historical and moral view of the origin and progress of the French Revolution; and the effect it has produced in EuropeWollstonecraft, Mary
Philosophy
An historical and moral view of the origin and progress of the French Revolution; and the effect it has produced in Europe
Wollstonecraft, Mary
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
The following day, the _séance royale_ really took place, with all the
exteriour splendour usually exhibited at these shows; which hitherto
could scarcely be termed empty, because they produced the desired
effect. But the public, having their attention turned to other things,
now viewed with contempt, what had formerly inspired almost idolatrous
respect. The deputies of the third-estate were again ordered to enter by
a separate door, and even left a considerable time standing exposed to a
heavy shower. The people, who were totally excluded, formed themselves
into groups, making indignant comments on the repeated affronts offered
to their representatives, whole minds likewise recoiled at the idle
attempt to impress them with an opinion of their insignificancy; when
the very pains taken to do it proclaimed their growing importance in the
state.
The object of the king’s speech, on this occasion, was to annul the
whole proceedings of the national assembly, and to hold out certain
benefits, as lures to submission, which the king meant to grant to the
people; as if, observes Mirabeau, ‘the rights of the people, were the
favours of the king.’ A declaration of his sovereign will and pleasure
was then read, in which, making an insidious attempt to withdraw from
the assembly the confidence of the public, he declared, that, is they
abandoned him, he would provide for the happiness of his people, without
their assistance, knowing the purport of the instructions given to the
deputies. The first article of the king’s benevolent _intentions_, was
to grant to the states-general the power of furnishing supplies;
carefully specifying, however, that it was to consist of the three
orders, who were to vote according to the ancient mode. Some other
salutary plans of reform were also brought forward; but always with
artful modifications, that would enable the old abuses to keep a sure
footing. For example, the taxes were to be levied equally; yet a
cautious respect for property sanctioned almost every other feudal
privilege; and the absolute abolition of _lettres de cachet_,[9] though
his majesty wished to secure personal freedom, was hinted at as
incompatible with public safety, and the preservation of the honour of
private families. The liberty of the press was allowed to be necessary;
but the states-general were requested to point out a mode of rendering
it compatible with the respect due to religion, to morality, and to the
honour of the citizens. The tenour of all the rest of the articles was
the same; commencing with a plan of reform, and concluding with the
_ifs_ and _buts_, that were to render it void.—Then, winding round to
the grand object of the meeting, the king terminated his discourse, with
saying, forgetful that this was not the period to imagine himself
reigning at Constantinople, ‘I _command_ you to separate immediately,
and to attend, each of you, to-morrow, at the chamber appropriated for
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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