Anti-Slavery Opinions before the Year 1800: Read before the Cincinnati Literary Club, November 16, 1872Poole, William Frederick
History
Anti-Slavery Opinions before the Year 1800: Read before the Cincinnati Literary Club, November 16, 1872
Poole, William Frederick
Antislavery movements -- United States; Slavery -- United States
entertained sentiments opposed to the slavery of the blacks, did then
take occasion publicly to remonstrate against the inconsistency of
contending for their own liberty, and, at the same time, depriving
other people of theirs. Pamphlets and newspaper essays appeared on the
subject; it often entered into the conversation of reflecting people;
and many who had, without remorse, been the purchasers of slaves,
condemned themselves, and retracted their former opinion. The Quakers
were zealous against slavery and the slave-trade; and by their means
the writings of Anthony Benezet of Philadelphia, John Woolman of New
Jersey, and others were spread through the country. Nathaniel Appleton
and James Swan, merchants of Boston, and Dr. Benjamin Rush, of
Philadelphia, distinguished themselves as writers on the side of
liberty. Those on the other side generally concealed their names; but
their arguments were not suffered to rest long without an answer. The
controversy began about the year 1766, and was renewed at various
times till 1773, when it was warmly agitated, and became a subject of
forensic disputation at the public commencement at Harvard College."
p. 201.
[24] Vol. ii, p. 30.
[25] Lectures by Members of the Mass. Historical Society on the Early
History of Massachusetts, p. 216.
[26] Mr. George H. Moore, in his elaborate work, "Notes on the History
of Slavery in Massachusetts," expresses a doubt whether slavery
legally came to an end in Massachusetts at the period stated above;
and perhaps not before the adoption of the fourteenth amendment to the
Constitution. He says: "It would not be the least remarkable of the
circumstances connected with this strange and eventful history, that
though _virtually_ abolished before, the actual prohibition of slavery
in Massachusetts, as well as Kentucky, should be accomplished by the
votes of South Carolina and Georgia." p. 242.
[27] Dr. Belknap says the clause "all men are born free and equal" was
inserted in the Declaration of Rights of Massachusetts "not merely as
a moral and political truth, but with a particular view to establish
the liberation of the negroes on a general principle, and so it was
understood by the people at large; but some doubted whether it was
sufficient"--p. 203. That some persons had this result in view is
probable; but contemporaneous records and acts of the citizens do not
justify the statement that "so it was understood by the people at
large." Dr. Belknap was living in New Hampshire at the time, and did
not come to Boston till 1786. The construction put upon the clause, by
the Supreme Court, was evidently a happy afterthought; and was
inspired by that _public opinion_ to which Dr. Belknap himself, in his
reply to Judge Tucker, ascribes the extinction of slavery.
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