Taking this as our standard, and recurring for a moment to the assertion of our superior happiness as a people—an assertion sometimes regarded as the boastful grandiloquence of our people—is it not true that our government, _our constitution of government we mean_, more nearly resembles the Divine government than any other does, and _therefore_, that those under it _are_ more happy? Some, while they are inclined to admit the fact of our superior happiness, yet seem rather to attribute it to our great abundance of land than to the nature of the government. We do not wish in any way to deny, or even to neutralize this statement about the abundance of our land, but still it is one of the _facts_ of the government—the government was made with this in view—it constitutes a subject for its action, and it makes of it a strong auxiliary. This, though undeniably a _great_ cause, is not, in our judgment, the _chief_ one. It is intellect—mind united to such feelings and desires that most advance others to be like God in intelligence and worth—that makes the chief cause. Where this _is_ not—or is not called forth and put into activity, nothing to purpose can be done. Indeed it is the most powerful agent for good anywhere to be found—for it is behind all others, and sets all others to work. We have among us here no form of religion, as they have in other countries, to which one must conform before he can have any share in the government—no religion that is made part of the government, and which is, therefore, _national_ Religion—how we shall serve or worship a Being or beings superior to ourselves, and who are thought to influence our destiny for ever—is, certainly, the highest concern of man. As no church or nation can answer for him at the judgment-seat, he ought to be left free on this matter. On this point he is free in this country, he is under no necessity to think in a particular channel. In his inquiries after truth, he has nothing to fear from the government about the changes through which his mind may pass, or the conclusions to which it may be led; although he may draw on him the prejudice and hatred of the sects from whom he feels compelled to differ.[18] We may truly say, that in this country, however far we may go in imitating foreign forms, we have nothing higher than the preacher of the truth. We have no monarch _born_ to rule over us, whether we will or not; nor are we obliged to support this costly leech according to _his_ dignity by money wrung from the labour of the country, nor a host of relatives according to _their_ dignity, as connected with the monarch. Nor have we a class _born_ to be our legislators. We have no legislative castes, nor social castes, but we may truly say, that any native-born citizen of the United States may aspire to any position, be it governmental or social.