It is now four years since I had the honor of presiding at our annual Convention, and I do not forget how at that time I endeavored to remind you of this same National Cause, then in fearful peril.[99] The war of armies was ended; no longer was fellow-citizen arrayed against fellow-citizen; on each side the trumpet was hushed, the banner furled. But the defection of Andrew Johnson had then begun, and out of that defection the Rebellion assumed new life, with new purposes and new hopes. If it did not spring forth once more fully armed, it did spring forth filled with hate and diabolism towards all who loved the Union, whether white or black. There were exceptions, I know; but they were not enough to change the rule. And straightway the new apparition, acting in conjunction with the Northern Democracy, aboriginal allies of the Rebellion, planned the capture of the National Government. Its representatives came up to Washington. Then was the time for a few decisive words in the name of the Republic, on which for four years they had waged bloody war. The great dramatist, who has words for every occasion, anticipated this, when he said,-- “Return thee, therefore, with a flood of tears, And wash away thy country’s stained spots.” Such a mood would have been the beginning of peace. How easy to see that these men should have been admonished frankly and kindly to return home, there to plant, plough, sow, reap, buy, sell, and be prosperous, but not to expect any place in the copartnership of government until there was completest security for all! Instead of this, they were sent back plotting how to obtain ascendency at home as the stepping-stone to ascendency in the nation. Such was the condition of things in the autumn of 1865, when, sounding the alarm from this very platform, I insisted upon irreversible guaranties against the Rebellion, and especially on security to the national freedman and the national creditor. It was upon security that I then insisted,--believing, that, though the war of armies was ended, this was a just object of national care, all contained in the famous time-honored postulate of war, _Security for the Future_, without which peace is no better than armistice. To that security one thing is needed,--simply this: All men must be safe in their rights, so that affairs, whether of government or business, shall have a free and natural course. But there are two special classes still in jeopardy, as in the autumn of 1865,--the National Freedman and the National Creditor,--each a creditor of the nation and entitled to protection, each under the guardianship of the public faith; and behind these are faithful Unionists, now suffering terribly from the growing reaction. * * * * *