Compulsory manumission : $b or, An examination of the actual state of the West India questionMcDonnell, Alexander
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Compulsory manumission : $b or, An examination of the actual state of the West India question
McDonnell, Alexander
Enslaved persons -- Emancipation -- West Indies, British; Slavery -- West Indies, British
It appears by parliamentary documents, that as cultivation, during
some years past, has decreased in the British colonies, precisely in
the same degree has the slave-trade of foreigners increased.
To ruin or deteriorate the British colonies is thus to encourage
the horrors of the slave-trade, and to increase the sum of African
suffering.
Therefore, it being the object of the British nation to abridge that
suffering, and not to make a mere display of sensibility, if the
proposed measures can be proved to be destructive of cultivation in
the British colonies, their spirit must be pronounced to be contrary
to the sentiments of the country.
And, SECONDLY: That having long since committed the crime of
transporting the negroes to our West India colonies, it is expected
by the British nation, that the welfare of future generations will be
contemplated; and that, hereafter, a black society may be witnessed,
possessing in itself the attributes, moral, intellectual, and
political, of a civilized people.
So strongly does this sentiment pervade the nation, that it is
common to hear the inquiry—“What are the negroes to do when free?”
implying the belief that rash interference may have proceeded far to
accomplish the object, but that judicious legislation has stopped
short on the threshold.
If we were to make an appeal to Lord Bathurst, and to all who have
taken an active part in the promotion of compulsory manumission, must
they not acknowledge, that since the agitation of the subject in
1823, a considerable and perceptible change has taken place in public
opinion, in consequence of the inquiry relative to free labour; and
that the idea of having a free negro-peasantry labouring under a
tropical climate for hire is impracticable and hopeless.
Does not, then, the whole question depend on free labour?
We cannot but infer, that when the relations and consequences of
granting freedom to the negroes by compulsion are fully understood in
all their widely-spreading effects, the opinion of the country will
be as strongly expressed in reprobation, as Earl Bathurst pronounces
it at present to be in approbation of the speedy adoption of the
measure.
Without any disrespect it may be stated, that some of our ministers,
who are upborne by the current of public applause, have had
sufficient experience of the fickleness of popularity. Let us recall
to mind the wise precept of Mr. Canning in 1819—“Speak not the _will_
of the populace, but consult their _benefit_.”
We appeal to each member of parliament to further this counsel.
The question of negro-_emancipation_ is virtually before them. It
is conceived, by all those whose properties are at stake, to be
presented in its most objectionable form, and they unanimously oppose
it. Before deciding on the subject, let every member reflect on the
sentiments of two of our greatest statesmen.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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