Congressional government : $b a study in American politicsWilson, Woodrow
History
Congressional government : $b a study in American politics
Wilson, Woodrow
Executive power -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States. Congress
It seems evident, however, when the question is looked at from another
stand-point, that, as a matter of fact and experience, the more power is
divided the more irresponsible it becomes. A mighty baron who can call
half the country to arms is watched with greater jealousy, and,
therefore, restrained with more vigilant care than is ever vouchsafed
the feeble master of a single and solitary castle. The one cannot stir
abroad upon an innocent pleasure jaunt without attracting the suspicious
attention of the whole country-side; the other may vex and harry his
entire neighborhood without fear of let or hindrance. It is ever the
little foxes that spoil the grapes. At any rate, to turn back from
illustration to the facts of the argument, it is plain enough that the
petty character of the leadership of each Committee contributes towards
making its despotism sure by making its duties uninteresting. The
Senate almost always discusses its business with considerable
thoroughness; and even the House, whether by common consent or by reason
of such persistent "filibustering" on the part of the minority as
compels the reporting Committee and the majority to grant time for talk,
sometimes stops to debate committee reports at length; but nobody,
except, perhaps, newspaper editors, finds these debates interesting
reading.
Why is it that many intelligent and patriotic people throughout this
country, from Virginia to California,--people who, beyond all question,
love their State and the Union more than they love our cousin state over
sea,--subscribe for the London papers in order to devour the
parliamentary debates, and yet would never think of troubling themselves
to make tedious progress through a single copy of the "Congressional
Record"? Is it because they are captivated by the old-world dignity of
royal England with its nobility and its court pageantry, or because of a
vulgar desire to appear better versed than their neighbors in foreign
affairs, and to affect familiarity with British statesmen? No; of course
not. It is because the parliamentary debates are interesting and ours
are not. In the British House of Commons the functions and privileges of
our Standing Committees are all concentrated in the hands of the
Ministry, who have, besides, some prerogatives of leadership which even
our Committees do not possess, so that they carry all responsibility as
well as great power, and all debate wears an intense personal and party
interest. Every important discussion is an arraignment of the Ministry
by the Opposition,--an arraignment of the majority by the minority; and
every important vote is a party defeat and a party triumph. The whole
conduct of the government turns upon what is said in the Commons,
because the revelations of debate often change votes, and a Ministry
loses hold upon power as it loses hold upon the confidence of the
Commons. This great Standing Committee goes out whenever it crosses the
will of the majority.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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