In France there is much animated socialist agitation, but no solid and
coherent socialist party such as exists in Germany. The movement is
disunited and fragmentary, and confined almost entirely to the large
towns, where many circumstances conspire to favour its growth. The
French working class are born to revolutionary traditions. The better
portion of them, moreover, though they long since gave up all belief in
the old native forms of socialism, never ceased to be imbued with
socialist ideas and aspirations; and M. de Molinari said in 1869, from
his experience of French working men's clubs, that out of every ten
French working men who had any interest beyond eating and drinking, nine
were Socialists. Then there is in France a larger proportion of the
working class than in most countries, who are kept in constant poverty
and discontent and commotion by their own improvident habits. A pamphlet
called "Le Sublime," which attracted considerable attention some years
ago, stated that only forty per cent. of the working men of Paris were
out of debt; and Mr. Malet reported to the English Foreign Office that
they were, as a body, so dissipated that none of them had grandchildren
or grandfathers. But, on the other hand, France enjoys a solid security
against the successful advance of socialism in her peasant proprietors.
Half the French population belong to that class, and their industry,
thrift, and comfort have long been held up to our admiration by
economists. According to M. de Lavergne, they are not so well fed, so
well clad, or so well lodged as the farm labourers of England; but,
living in a different climate, they have fewer wants, and are
undoubtedly more contented. Among people like these, passing their days
in frugal comfort and fruitful industry, and looking with quiet hope and
confidence to the future, socialism finds, of course, no open door. On
the contrary, every man of them feels he has something to lose and
nothing to gain by social revolution; the fear of socialism is, indeed,
one of the chief influences guiding their political action; and as they
are as numerous as all the other classes in the community put together,
their worldly contentment is a bulwark of enormous value to the existing
order of things. The impression of their substantial independence is so
marked that even the Frenchmen who were members of the International
Working Men's Association would not assent to the abolition of a peasant
proprietary, but always insisted, contrary to the principles of the
Association, on the continued maintenance of that system as a necessary
counterpoise to the power of the Government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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