Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 2: With a Memoir and IndexMacaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
Philosophy
Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 2: With a Memoir and Index
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
“_Fourthly, The Edinburgh Reviewers are of opinion, that ‘it might, with
no small plausibility, be maintained, that in many {65}countries, there
are two classes which, in some decree, answer to this description;’
[viz.] ‘that the poor compose the class which government is established
to restrain; and the people of some property the class to which the
powers of government may without danger be confided.’
“They take great pains, it is true, to say this and not to say it. They
shuffle and creep about, to secure a hole to escape at, if ‘what they
do not assert’ should be found in any degree inconvenient. A man might
waste his life in trying to find out whether the Misses of the Edinburgh
mean to say Yes or No in their political coquetry. But whichever way the
lovely spinsters may decide, it is diametrically opposed to history and
the evidence of facts, that the poor _are_ the class whom there is any
difficulty in restraining. It is not the poor but the rich that have a
propensity to take the property of other people. There is no instance
upon earth of the poor having combined to take away the property of the
rich; and all the instances habitually brought forward in support of it
are gross misrepresentations, founded upon the most necessary acts
of self-defence on the part of the most numerous classes. Such a
misrepresentation is the common one of the Agrarian law; which was
nothing but an attempt on the part of the Roman people to get back
some part of what had been taken from them by undisguised robbery. Such
another is the stock example of the French Revolution, appealed to by
the Edinburgh Review in the actual case. It is utterly untrue that the
French Revolution took place because ‘the poor began to compare their
cottages and salads with the hotels and banquets of the rich;’ it took
place because they were robbed of their cottages and salads to support
the hotels and banquets of their oppressors. It is utterly untrue that
there was either a scramble for property or a general confiscation; the
classes who took part with the foreign invaders lost their property, as
they would have done here, and ought to do everywhere. All these are the
vulgar errors of the man on the lion’s back,--which the lion will set
to rights when he can tell his own story. History is nothing but the
relation of the sufferings of the poor from the rich; except precisely
so far as the numerous classes of the community have contrived to keep
the virtual power in their hands, or in other words, to establish free
governments. If a poor man injures the rich, the law is instantly at his
heels; the injuries of the rich towards the poor are always inflicted by
the law. And to enable the rich {66}to do this to any extent that may be
practicable or prudent, there is clearly one postulate required, which
is, that the rich shall make the law_.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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