Disunion and Restoration in Tennessee: Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Science, Columbia UniversityNeal, John Randolph
History
Disunion and Restoration in Tennessee: Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University
Neal, John Randolph
Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877) -- Tennessee; Tennessee -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; Thesis (Ph. D.)
In the abstract, the above statement undoubtedly represented the view
of a majority of the delegates. But the conservative men of the
Convention recognized that the rejection of negro suffrage would
strengthen the Radicals in their efforts to obtain Federal
intervention. Considerations of political expediency led, therefore,
to the adoption of the following provision in regard to suffrage:
“Every male person of the age of twenty-one years, being a citizen of
the United States, and a resident of this State for twelve months, and
of the county wherein he may offer his vote, for six months next
preceding the day of election, shall be entitled to vote for members
of the General Assembly, and all civil officers of the county or
district in which he resides, and there shall be no qualification
attached to the right of suffrage, except that each voter shall give
to the judge of the election, where he offers to vote, satisfactory
evidence that he has paid the poll taxes assessed against him for such
preceding period as the Legislature shall prescribe, and at such time
as may be prescribed by law, without which his vote cannot be
received.”[20]
After fixing the suffrage qualifications, all the important changes in
the constitution proposed by the Convention, were directed, with
possibly two exceptions, towards the prevention of the recurrence of
the political abuses, from which the State had suffered under the
Radical administration. Fresh in the minds of all were the arbitrary
acts of Governor Brownlow in suspending the writ of habeas corpus, and
proclaiming martial law. A number of limitations were, therefore,
placed upon the military power of the Governor. It was provided that
“the militia shall not be called into service except in case of
rebellion or invasion, and then only when the General Assembly shall
declare by law that the public safety requires it.” The Bill of Rights
was so amended that “the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the General Assembly
shall declare the public safety requires it.”
Another flagrant abuse under Radical rules had been the too frequent
meeting of the Legislature. During the four years of Governor
Brownlow’s administration, it had been in almost continuous session.
To remedy this, regular sessions were made biennial, and it was
provided that no member “shall be paid for more than seventy days of
the regular session, or for more than twenty days of an extra or
called session.”
The two important changes in the constitution, which had no relation
to the disturbed political conditions resulting from the war, were the
creation of a homestead exemption, and the delegation to the
Legislature of the power to pass general laws for the organization of
private corporations.
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