Europe -- Politics and government -- 1815-1848; France -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
But, with the complete suppression of the insurrection, Lord Grey
and his colleagues assumed a more sympathetic attitude towards the
vanquished Poles. In a closely reasoned despatch Palmerston, on
November 23, formulated the arguments which Heytesbury was instructed
to press upon the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. The most important
passage in this long document was that in which the interpretation
was set forth which the English government placed upon the wording
of the treaty of Vienna. The futility of the plea that no specific
constitution had been guaranteed to Poland, a contention which
Heytesbury had warned his chief the Russian government would certainly
set up, was clearly exposed. "Surely," wrote Palmerston, "it was
no forced construction of the meaning of the treaty to consider
the constitution, which the Emperor had given, as existing under
the sanction of the treaty." The constitution contained no clause
reserving to the Sovereign the right of modifying its provisions. The
action of the Poles in declaring themselves separated from Russia
could not be held to absolve the Emperor from adhering to his compact.
"Wrongs committed by one side," he concluded, "were not to be punished
by the commission of wrongs on the other."[168]
Heytesbury, after prefacing his disagreeable task of communicating
these instructions by assurances that his government was only desirous
of tendering friendly advice to a former ally, proceeded to read
out to Count Nesselrode Lord Palmerston's despatch. "The Count,"
he reported, "listened with great attention and in silence, but
his silence was not the silence of assent." The Russian Chancellor
expressed his regret that the British government should have seen
fit to make representations of this nature, notwithstanding the
intimation, conveyed to it by Prince Lieven, that the Tsar could not
admit of foreign interference in the Polish question. The official
answer of the Imperial Cabinet was in due course communicated to
Palmerston by the Russian ambassador. As Heytesbury had foreseen,
Nicholas, "strong in the support of Austria and Prussia and in the
unanimous approbation of the Russian nation,"[169] refused to adopt
the interpretation of the treaty which it was desired to place upon it
in London and in Paris.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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