Essays on the Constitution of the United States: Published during its Discussion by the People, 1787-1788
History
Essays on the Constitution of the United States: Published during its Discussion by the People, 1787-1788
Constitutional history -- United States -- Sources; United States. Constitution
There cannot be a doubt, that, while the trade of this continent remains
free, the activity of our countrymen will secure their full share. All the
estimates for the present year, let them be made by what party they may,
suppose the balance of trade to be largely in our favour. The credit of
our merchants is, therefore, fully established in foreign countries. This
is a sufficient proof, that when business is unshackled, it will find out
that channel which is most friendly to its course. We ought, therefore, to
be exceedingly cautious about diverting or restraining it. Every day
produces fresh proofs, that people, under the immediate pressure of
difficulties, do not, at first glance, discover the proper relief. The
last year, a desire to get rid of embarrassments induced many honest
people to agree to a tender act, and many others, of a different
description, to obstruct the courts of justice. Both these methods only
increased the evil they were intended to cure. Experience has since shown
that, instead of trying to lessen an evil by altering the present course
of things, that every endeavor should have been applied to facilitate the
course of law, and thus to encourage a mutual confidence among the
citizens, which increases the resources of them all, and renders easy the
payment of debts. By this means one does not grow rich at the expense of
another, but all are benefited. The case is the same with the States.
Pennsylvania, with one port and a large territory, is less favourably
situated for trade than the Massachusetts, which has an extensive coast in
proportion to its limits of jurisdiction. Accordingly a much larger
proportion of our people are engaged in maritime affairs. We ought
therefore to be particularly attentive to securing so great an interest.
It is vain to tell us that we ought to overlook local interests. It is
only by protecting local concerns that the interest of the whole is
preserved. No man when he enters into society does it from a view to
promote the good of others, but he does it for his own good. All men
having the same view are bound equally to promote the welfare of the
whole. To recur then to such a principle as that local interests must be
disregarded, is requiring of one man to do more than another, and is
subverting the foundation of a free government. The Philadelphians would
be shocked with a proposition to place the seat of general government and
the unlimited right to regulate trade in the Massachusetts. There can be
no greater reason for our surrendering the preference to them. Such
sacrifices, however we may delude ourselves with the form of words, always
originate in folly, and not in generosity.
Let me now request your attention a little while to the actual state of
publick credit, that we may see whether it has not been as much
misrepresented as the state of our trade.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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