English essays -- 20th century; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910
Less obvious but not less certain is the connection between all these
problems and the decline of our agriculture. It is the decline of
agriculture which has driven into the towns the masses of unskilled
labour with which we have to deal. Indeed the Liberals foresaw and
deliberately planned this, when, first by the Poor Law and afterwards
by the Repeal of the Corn Laws, they drove labour off the land in
order to obtain it cheaply in the great industrial centres. And that
is how the situation has worked out, so that it is important, no less
in the interest of the town proletariat than in that of the country,
that we should re-organise the first and most necessary of our staple
industries. The idea apparently entertained in some Liberal circles
that this can be done by the taxation of land values is, as Mr.
Brougham Villiers has pointed out in “The Opportunity of Liberalism”
(not altogether I should suppose to the gratification of his Liberal
friends), on the face of it absurd. The end at which we are aiming is
not that the state should own the ground rents but that it should own
the land and the capital used to develop it, and it is towards this end
that our policy should be directed. To this end we want an energetic
system of state aid to farmers such as that already inaugurated by
Sir Horace Plunkett and others in Ireland. We want loans to farmers
on state security and experiments in cooperative farming under state
supervision and with state encouragement; we want increased powers for
local authorities in rural districts to buy and develop land; above
all we want light railways, cheap and rapid transit, an agricultural
parcels post (as proposed by Mr. Rider Haggard); and finally we want an
end put to the monstrous system whereby Railway Companies charge higher
rates to British than to foreign producers. When this policy has been
fairly tried we shall see whether we also want a protective tariff.
We do not want a tariff which will merely raise the landlord’s rent,
but, as I have already pointed out, Socialists have no theoretic bias
against such a tariff if it can be shown to be necessary to the public
interest.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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