History of Cuba; or, Notes of a Traveller in the Tropics: Being a Political, Historical, and Statistical Account of the Island, from its First Discovery to the Present TimeBallou, Maturin M. (Maturin Murray)
History
History of Cuba; or, Notes of a Traveller in the Tropics: Being a Political, Historical, and Statistical Account of the Island, from its First Discovery to the Present Time
Ballou, Maturin M. (Maturin Murray)
Cuba -- Description and travel; Cuba -- History
A peaceful solution to the question of Cuba, by its sale to the United
States, is not regarded as probable by the best-informed Creoles. They
say that, even if the queen were disposed to sell the island, it would
be impossible to obtain the consent of the Cortes. The integrity of the
Spanish domain, including all the islands, is protected by legal
enactment; and it would require the abrogation of a fundamental law
before it could be consummated.[11] Now, the Spanish subjects well
understand that they would not be likely to be gainers by the sale of
Cuba, however large a sum the United States might be willing to pay for
it, while the monopoly to trade, the bestowal of lucrative insular
offices on Spaniards alone, and other incidental advantages, give them a
direct interest in the maintenance of the present order of things. Those
who take this view of the question say that if Spain has not promptly
rejected the overtures supposed to have been made by our minister at
Madrid, this delay indicates only a conscious weakness, and not any
hesitation of purpose. It is simply a diplomatic trick--a temporizing
policy. Why, they ask, if Spain had any idea of parting with the island,
would she be making naval and military preparations on a grand and
costly scale, at home, while in the island she is making large levies,
and enrolling colored troops, not as militia, as the government has
falsely given out, but as regulars? We are reluctant to abandon the hope
of our purchasing the island, but candor compels us to state the
plausible arguments of those who assert that no success can possibly
attend the plan for its peaceable acquisition.
Within a brief space of time, the administration of General Pezuela has
been signalized by measures of great significance and importance: The
decree of the third of May; the order for the registration of slaves
introduced into the island in violation of the treaty of 1817; the
decree freeing more than fifteen thousand _emancipados_ in the space of
a fortnight; that of May 25th, enrolling and arming negroes and
mulattoes; the project for importing negroes and mulattoes from Africa,
under the name of free apprentices; the institution of free schools for
the instruction of the blacks, while the whites are abandoned to their
own resources; and, finally, the legalization of the intermarriages of
blacks and whites, which last measure has actually been carried into
effect, to the indignation of the Creoles,--all these measures show the
determination of the Spanish government to bring about the emancipation
of slavery, and the social equalization of the colored and white
population, that it may maintain its grasp upon the island, under
penalty of a war of races, which could only terminate in the extinction
of the whites, in case of a revolutionary movement.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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