History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
It (the Tenure-of-Office bill) ought to have been passed, and probably
would have been passed, long ago, if a different condition of affairs
had existed before. But when you propose to extend that principle
to Cabinet officers, a very different state of affairs arises, and
different circumstances apply to this subject. Now I say, that if a
Cabinet officer should attempt to hold his office for a moment beyond
the time when he retained the entire confidence of the President, I
would not vote to retain him, NOR WOULD I COMPEL THE PRESIDENT TO LEAVE
ABOUT HIM IN THESE HIGH POSITIONS A MAN IN WHOM HE DID NOT ENTIRELY
TRUST, both personally and politically. It would be unwise to require
him to administer the Government without agents of his own choosing.
It seems to me, therefore, that it would be unwise for the Senate to
engraft in this bill a provision that would enable a Cabinet officer
to hold on to his office in violation of the will of his Chief. * *
* Suppose the personal relations between a Cabinet officer and the
President became so unpleasant that they could have no personal
intercourse. The Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Howe), says in such a case
the Cabinet officer would resign. Suppose he should hold on to his
power and position--what then? There is no power to remove him, and
the President can have no intercourse with him. Would you compel such a
state of affairs? It seems to me that it would be unwise to do so. That
the Senate had no such purpose is shown by its vote twice to make this
exception. That this provision does not apply to the present case, is
shown by the fact that its language is so framed as NOT TO APPLY TO THE
PRESENT PRESIDENT. * * * It would not prevent the present President from
removing the present Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, or the
Secretary of State.
A considerable number of Senators participated in the debate, which
was able and exhaustive to an exceptional degree, on both sides, and
occupied several days in the various stages of the proceeding.
Mr. Edmunds closed the debate in the Senate with the following remarks:
I do not rise to prolong the debate, but only to express the hope that
the debate on this question may terminate--that we may come to a vote.
* * * While I should be glad to occupy some time in reply to some things
that have fallen in the course of this debate, I feel it to be due to
the business of the Senate to abstain. I hope the Senate will disagree
to this amendment, (made by the House) and adhere to the bill as it
stands.
The vote was then taken, and resulted in 17 for agreeing to the House
amendment, and 28 against it.
The action of the Senate was reported to the House and Conference
Committees were appointed by the two houses.
On the 18th of February, the following substitute for the first section
of the bill was reported by the Committee of Conference and adopted by
both Houses, and the bill went to the President:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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