History of the Late Polish Revolution and the Events of the CampaignHordynski, Joseph
History
History of the Late Polish Revolution and the Events of the Campaign
Hordynski, Joseph
Poland -- History -- Revolution, 1830-1832
villages, with perhaps from ten to thirty soldiers only, in each. In
fact, the soldiers of a company may have often from six to twelve
miles march to reach the quarters of their captain. All this made the
concentration of these forces an affair of time and difficulty; and
one regiment after another could have been fallen upon, and their
whole forces annihilated in detail, and that without much effusion of
blood. Besides this, the Russian corps of Lithuania was composed, in
part, of our brethren enrolled in that province, and even commanded, in
part, by officers natives of that province. They would of course have
united themselves with us, and the revolution would have spread, with
the rapidity of lightning, to the very borders of the Dwina and the
Dnieper; and after this, not four millions alone, but sixteen millions
of Poles, would have been united in one cause. At a later period, all
this was no longer possible. Russia began to become alive to the danger
of the occurrence of such a state of things, and all the regiments with
Polish soldiers in their ranks were withdrawn into the interior, and
three hundred Polish officers in the Russian service were sent to take
commands in regiments posted in the regions about the Caucasus, in Asia.
The Dictator, who gave as a reason for not having taken the above
course, that the neighboring cabinets would have taken umbrage at
it as a violation of a foreign territory, can with difficulty be
conceived to have really felt that this would have been the case. Even
if such apprehensions were well founded, are diplomatic formalities
to be regarded, on an occasion like this? Should we, in such a cause,
forbear, from apprehensions of this kind, to press on to the delivery
of our brethren from the despotism under which they were suffering?
But, in fact, the true interests of those cabinets were to be found
in, what every sagacious observer of European history has pointed out
as the great safeguard of Europe, the establishment of the Polish
kingdom as a barrier against the threatening preponderance of our
barbarous enemy. It was indeed ridiculous to require of the Poles that
they should regard, as their only limits, the little kingdom into
which the violence and fraud of the combined sovereigns had contracted
them. The Poles, in entering those provinces, would have been still on
the soil of their ancient country; and, in fact, the revolution was
equally justifiable at Wilna, Kiow, and Smolensk, as at Warsaw. The
patriots, indeed, who began the latter, did not think of their own
sufferings alone, they bore in mind also the even greater sufferings
of their brethren who were more absolutely in the power of despotism.
It was indeed the great end of the patriots and of the nation, the
union of all the provinces of ancient Poland, which was abandoned by
the Dictator. Nothing else, in fact, but the forcing of the frontiers,
would have subdued the arrogance of the Emperor, and forced him to
listen to our claims.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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