History of the United States of America, Volume 9 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of James MadisonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 9 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of James Madison
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
At the next session of Congress, Calhoun, lapsing in the middle of
a speech into his usual meditative speculation, remarked, as though
he were perplexed to account for his own theory, that in his belief
the House of Representatives was not a favorite with the American
people.[144] Had he expressed the opinion that freedom of thought or
speech was not a favorite with the American people, he would have said
nothing more surprising. If the House was not a favorite, what part of
the government was popular, and what could be hoped for representative
government itself? Of all the machinery created by the Constitution,
the House alone directly reflected and represented the people; and if
the people disliked it, they disliked themselves.
The people best knew whether Calhoun was right. Certainly the House,
owing in part to its size, its frequent elections and changes, its lack
of responsibility and of social unity, was the least steady and least
efficient branch of government. Readers who have followed the history
here closed, have been surprised at the frequency with which the word
_imbecility_ has risen in their minds in reading the proceedings
of the House. So strong was the same impression at the time, that
in the year 1814, at the close of the war, every earnest patriot
in the Union, and many men who were neither earnest nor patriotic,
were actively reproaching the House for its final failure, at an
apparent crisis of the national existence, to call out or organize
any considerable part of the national energies. The people in truth,
however jealous of power, would have liked in imagination, though they
would not bear in practice, to be represented by something nobler,
wiser, and purer than their own average honor, wisdom, and purity. They
could not make an ideal of weakness, ignorance, or vice, even their
own; and as they required in their religion the idea of an infinitely
wise and powerful deity, they revolted in their politics from whatever
struck them as sordid or selfish. The House reflected their own
weaknesses; and the Compensation Act seemed to them an expression
of their own least agreeable traits. They rebelled against a petty
appropriation of money, after enduring for years a constant succession
of worse offences.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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