Independence Day : $b its celebration, spirit and significance as related in prose and verse
History
Independence Day : $b its celebration, spirit and significance as related in prose and verse
Fourth of July -- Poetry; Fourth of July celebrations; Fourth of July orations
If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on or give up the war?
Do we mean to submit to the measures of Parliament, Boston Port-Bill
and all? Do we mean to submit, and consent that we ourselves shall be
ground to powder, and our country and its rights, trodden down in the
dust? I know we do not mean to submit. We never shall submit. Do we mean
to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that
plighting before God, of our sacred honor to Washington, when, putting
him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards
of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our
fortunes and our lives? I know there is not a man here, who would not
rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake
sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the
ground. For myself, having, twelve months ago, in this place, moved you,
that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces raised, or to
be raised, for defense of American liberty, may my right hand forget her
cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or
waver in the support I give him.
The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war
must go on, why put off longer the Declaration of Independence? That
measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. The nations
will then treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge
ourselves subjects in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that
England herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of
independence than consent, by repealing her Acts, to acknowledge that her
whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and oppression.
Her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things
which now predestinates our independence than by yielding the points in
controversy to her rebellious subjects. The former she would regard
as the result of fortune; the latter she would feel as her own deep
disgrace. Why, then, why, then, sir, do we not as soon as possible change
this from a civil to a national war? And, since we must fight it through,
why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if
we gain the victory?
If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause
will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people, the
people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves,
gloriously through the struggle. I care not how fickle other people
have been found. I know the people of these Colonies, and I know that
resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in their hearts, and
cannot be eradicated. Every Colony, indeed, has expressed its willingness
to follow, if we but take the lead.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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