[48] Bodley's letter of May 3; Chichester's of May 4, enclosing Hart's and Baker's own narratives; _Newes from Ireland, concerning the late treacherous action_, &c., London, 1608; O'Sullivan Bere _ut sup._; _Four Masters_, 1608. [49] Ridgeway's Journal, June 30, and his letter to Salisbury of July 3. O'Sullivan, _Compendium_, Lib. i. cap. 5. [50] Chichester to the Privy Council, July 6, and the proclamation dated next day; _Four Masters_, 1608, with O'Donovan's notes; Sir Donnell O'Cahan to his brother Manus (from the Tower), June 1, 1610. Manus gave the letter to Chichester. [51] Davies to Salisbury, August 5, 1608; Chichester to the Privy Council, September 12. [52] Chichester to the Privy Council, September 12 and 17, the latter enclosing Ffolliott's narrative. [53] Davies on the juries, State Papers, _Ireland_, 1608, No. 801; his and Chichester's accounts of the trial, June 27 and July 4, 1609; abstract of evidence calendared at October 1609, No. 514; Letter to Bishop Montgomery from Ineen Duive, Hugh O'Donnell's mother and Tyrconnel's aunt, printed from Carte MSS. in O'Donovan's _Four Masters_, 2364. [54] Docwra's _Narration_, 283. Francis O'Cahan's petition calendared with the papers of 1649, p. 278, but evidently of a much earlier date. Hill's _Ulster Plantation_, 61, 235. CHAPTER V THE SETTLEMENT OF ULSTER [Sidenote: Ulster before the settlement.] The tribal system known to the writers of what are called the Brehon laws survived much longer in Ulster than elsewhere. In the other three provinces the Anglo-Norman invaders may not have made a complete conquest, but they had military occupation and many of their leaders took the position of Irish chiefs when the weakening power of the Crown made it impossible to maintain themselves otherwise. Yet they never forgot their origin, and were ready enough to acquiesce when the Tudor sovereigns reasserted their authority. But there were no Butlers, Fitzgeralds, or Barries in Ulster, while the Burkes withdrew into Connaught and assumed Irish names. For a long time the native clans were left almost to their own devices. Con Bacagh O'Neill, when he accepted the earldom of Tyrone in 1543 and went to England to be invested, took a long step towards a new state of things. Through ignorance or inadvertence the remainder was given to Matthew Ferdoragh, who was perhaps not an O'Neill at all. Shane O'Neill, the eldest son of undoubted legitimacy, kept the leadership of his clan, while insisting in dealing with the government that he was Con's lawful heir. Even Shane admitted that Queen Elizabeth was his sovereign. When the original limitation of the peerage took practical effect, and Hugh O'Neill became Earl of Tyrone, the feudal honour was most useful on one side while the tribal chiefry was still fully maintained on the other. In two cases, decided by the Irish judges in 1605 and 1608 respectively, gavelkind or inheritance by division among all males was