Labour and the Popular WelfareMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
General
Labour and the Popular Welfare
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Labor; Labor movement; Socialism; Working class
◆¹ Let us consider how it does so. Socialists tell us that Capitalism
in the modern world means merely the appropriation by the few of all
the materials of production, so that the many must either work as
the few bid them, or must starve. But this is a very small part of
what modern Capitalism means, and it is not the essential part, nor
does it even suggest the essential part. The majority of men must
always work or starve. Nature, not modern Capitalism, is responsible
for that necessity. The essential difference which modern Capitalism
has introduced into the situation is this—and it is an enormous
difference—that whereas in former ages the livelihood of a man was
contingent on his working in the best way that the average man knew,
modern Capitalism has made his livelihood contingent on his working in
the best way that exceptional men know. Now this best way, as we shall
see more clearly presently, does not involve the forcing of each man
to work harder, or the exacting from him any more difficult effort.
It involves merely the supplying him with a constant external guide
for even his minutest actions—a guide for every movement of arm and
hand, or a pattern of each of the objects which are the direct result
of these movements; and consequently the one thing which before all
others it requires is constant obedience or conformity to such guides
and patterns. The entire industrial progress of the modern world has
depended, and depends altogether on this constant obedience being
secured; and the possession of Wage Capital by the employing class is
the sole means which is possible in the modern world of securing it. In
the ancient world the case would no doubt have been different. The lash
of the taskmaster, the fear of prison, of death, of torture, were then
available for the stimulation and organisation of Labour. But they are
available no longer. The masses of civilised humanity have taken this
great step—they have risen from the level on which they could be driven
to industrial obedience, to the level on which they must be induced
to it. Obedience of some sort is a social necessity now as ever, and
always must be: but social necessity spoke merely to the fear of the
slave; it speaks to the will and the reason of the free labourer. The
free labourer may be, and must be, in one or other of two positions.
He may work for himself, consuming or selling his own produce; or he
may work for an employer, who pays him wages, and exacts in return for
them not work only, but work performed in a certain prescribed way.
The first position is that of the peasant proprietor or the hand-loom
weaver. The second is that of the employee in a mill or factory. In
both cases, the voice of social necessity, or of society, speaks to
the man’s reason, informing him of the homely fact that he cannot live
unless he labours: but in the first case, the voice of society cries to
him out of the ground, “You will get no food unless you labour in some
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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