The delegate who moved the resolution pointed out that there were different opinions in the Labour Party as to control; one section advocating nationalization pure and simple, another a system of control not necessarily involving nationalization, and that for the guidance of the whole Labour movement an inquiry, as suggested by the resolution, was essential so that “instead of having so many pious resolutions they would have facts and data upon which to build their future policy and activity,” The guidance sought has not yet been given. At the same conference another resolution was adopted as follows: “That this Conference re-affirms its pledge of nationalization of industry, but, when nationalized, to come under joint control with adequate representation of the workers on the boards.” The mover of it thought the previous resolution might include co-partnership, and to that he objected. In co-partnership, he said, “the workers interested became as great aristocrats as the ordinary employer. Every industry ought to be nationalized and have adequate representation under joint control.” Labour’s Report to the Industrial Conference, 1919 In a memorandum by the Right Hon. A. Henderson, Chairman of the Trades Union representatives, which was appended to the Report of the Industrial Conference in 1919 (_Parliamentary Paper_ 1919, Cmd. 501) appointed to inquire into industrial unrest, there occur these statements of Labour policy: “CONTROL OF INDUSTRY. (p. ii.) “With increasing vehemence Labour is challenging the whole structure of capitalist industry as it now exists. It is no longer willing to acquiesce in a system under which industry is conducted for the benefit of the few. It demands a system of industrial control which shall be truly democratic in character. This is seen on the one hand in the demand for public ownership of vital industries and services and public control of services not nationalized which threaten the public with the danger of monopoly or exploitation. It is also seen in the increasing demand of the workers in all industries for a real share in industrial control, a demand which the Whitley Scheme, in so far as it has been adopted, has done little or nothing to satisfy. This demand is more articulate in some industries than others. It is seen clearly in the national programmes of the railwaymen and of the miners; and it is less clearly formulated by the workers in many other industries. The workers are no longer prepared to acquiesce in a system in which their labour is bought and sold as a commodity in the labour market. They are beginning to assert that they have a human right to an equal and democratic partnership in industry; that they must be treated in future not as ‘hands’ or part of the factory equipment, but as human beings with a right to use