Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of WarStephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
History
Lincoln; An Account of his Personal Life, Especially of its Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal of War
Stephenson, Nathaniel W. (Nathaniel Wright)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; Presidents -- United States -- Biography
The artist of the movement expressed them all in his declaration that
the nation needed the Territories to give home and opportunity to free
white people. Even the Abolitionists, who hitherto had refused to make
common cause with any other faction, entered the negative coalition
of the new party. So did Whigs, and anti-slavery Democrats, as well as
other factions then obscure which we should now label Socialists and
Labormen.
However, this coalition, which in origin was purely negative, revealed,
the moment it coalesced, two positive features. To the man of the near
horizon in 1860 neither of these features seemed of first importance. To
the man outside that horizon, seeing them in perspective as related
to the sum total of American life, they had a significance he did not
entirely appreciate.
The first of these was the temper of the Abolitionists. Lincoln ignored
it. He was content with his ringing assertion of the golden mean. But
there spoke the man of letters rather than the statesman. Of temper
in politics as an abstract idea, he had been keenly conscious from the
first; but his lack of familiarity with political organizations kept him
from assigning full value to the temper of any one factor as affecting
the joint temper of the whole group. It was appointed for him to learn
this in a supremely hard way and to apply the lesson with wonderful
audacity. But in 1860 that stern experience still slept in the future.
He had no suspicion as yet that he might find it difficult to carry out
his own promise to stand with the Abolitionists in excluding slavery
from the Territories, and to stand against them in enforcing the
Fugitive Slave Law. He did not yet see why any one should doubt the
validity of this promise; why any one should be afraid to go along
with him, afraid that the temper of one element would infect the whole
coalition.
But this fear that Lincoln did not allow for, possessed already a great
many minds. Thousands of Southerners, of the sort whom Lincoln credited
with good intentions about slavery, feared the Abolitionists Not because
the Abolitionists wanted to destroy slavery, but because they wanted
to do so fiercely, cruelly. Like Lincoln, these Southerners who were
liberals in thought and moderates in action, did not know what to do
about slavery. Like Lincoln, they had but one fixed idea with regard to
it,--slavery must not be terminated violently. Lincoln, despite his
near horizon, sensed them correctly as not being at one with the great
plutocrats who wished to exploit slavery. But when the Abolitionist
poured out the same fury of vituperation on every sort of slave-holder;
when he promised his soul that it should yet have the joy of exulting in
the ruin of all such, the moderate Southerners became as flint. When the
Abolitionists proclaimed their affiliation with the new party, the
first step was taken toward a general Southern coalition to stop the
Republican advance.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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