Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 4 (of 8): French Explorations and Settlements in North America and Those of the Portuguese, Dutch, and Swedes 1500-1700
History
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 4 (of 8): French Explorations and Settlements in North America and Those of the Portuguese, Dutch, and Swedes 1500-1700
America -- Discovery and exploration; America -- History; United States -- History
vessel arrived three days later with its expected cargo; but the third,
with Gaspar Cortereal, was never heard from. Her fate remained a
mystery, although several efforts were made to ascertain it.
The next year, 1502, Miguel Cortereal started with three ships (one
account says two) well equipped and found, having agreed with the King
to make a search for the missing Gaspar. The expedition sailed May 10.
Arriving on the American coast, they found so many entrances of rivers
and havens, that it was agreed to divide the fleet, the better to
search for the missing vessel. A rendezvous was arranged for the 20th
of August. Two ships met at the appointed time and place; but Miguel
Cortereal’s did not appear, and the others, after waiting some time,
returned to Portugal.
[Illustration: EARLY FISHING STAGES.
[This cut is a fac-simile of one in the corner of _A New and Correct
Map of America_, 1738, which belongs to Sir William Keith’s _History
of the British Plantations in America_: Part I., Virginia, London,
1738. It presumably represents the fashion of these appliances of the
fishermen which had prevailed perhaps for centuries.
It was suggested by Forster, _Northern Voyages_, book iii. chaps. iii.
and iv., that Breton fishermen may have been on the Newfoundland coast
before Columbus. Scholars are coming more and more to believe the
possibility and even probability of it. Every third day in the calendar
was then a fast-day, and the incentive to seeking fish on distant seas
was great. That Cabot should find the natives of this region calling
the cod _baccalaos_, a name applied by the seamen of the Bay of Biscay
to that fish, has also been suggestive; but this story, deducible
apparently from no earlier writer than Peter Martyr in 1516, is not
altogether trustworthy, since there is doubt if the folk who called
the fish by that name were the natives, as Martyr seems to think,
or simply the common people, as would seem to be implied in other
forms of the statement (see Vol. III. p. 45). Greenland, as we know
from the pre-Columbian maps (Ptolemy of 1482, etc.), was considered
a part of Europe. Its adjacent shores were in the common mind but
further outposts of the same continent; so that the returned sailors’
reports of the distant parts—islands they thought them—might cause
no awakening of the idea of a new world. Cf. Navarrete, _Viages_, iii.
41, 46, 176; Eusebius, _Chronicon_ (1512), p. 172; Wytfliet, _Histoire
des Indes_, p. 131; Lescarbot, _Nouvelle France_ (1618), p. 228; Biard,
_Relation_ (1616), chap. i.; Champlain (1632), p. 9; Charlevoix,
_Nouvelle France_, i. 4, 14, or Shea’s edition, i. 106; Estancelin,
_Navigateurs Normands_; Kunstmann, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, pp. 69, 125;
Peschel, _Geschichte des Zeitalters_, etc., p. 332; Vitet, _Histoire
de la Dieppe_, p. 51; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 271; Kohl, _Discovery of
Maine_, pp. 188, 201, 203, 205, 280; Parkman, _Pioneers_, p. 171; _Mag.
of Amer. Hist._, 1882, April; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal.
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